;j;'»«'^ >,i- . 



flatriattHttt 




BY 



ROBERT STANLEY BENNETT, 
j 



<•■• 






Patriotism 



BY 
ROBERT STANLEY BENNETT 



Published by 

ROBERT S. BENNETT, 

Cincinnati, Ohio. 

1913 



JK273 

.B4- 



Copyright igij by 
Robert S. Bennett 



Published May, 1913 



• » » 



Sidney Printing Works, 
cincinnati, ohio. 

©CI.A34681-9 



T HOPE that an honesty of purpose has brought 
forth in this writing enough of truth to war- 
rent its publication. 

I have tried always not to sacrifice principle. 
If terminology and formalism have not been given 
their due, it is not because I underrate their im- 
portance, but rather that I may not have lost 
sight of more important things in view of them. 

But I am glad that this error could not 
place one in the class with those who would use 
a veneer as of art and the skill of technique, 
that they might the more surely carry out a pur- 
pose to deceive. 



TOPICAL REFERENCES. 

Special privilege 6, 53, 55 

Poetry and Religion 9 

Anarchy 10 

Government and natural law 10 

Government and morality 11 

Government, its ideal , 11 

Enlightenment should identify self-interest with 

general welfare 12 

Interest of people and interests of property 18 

Responsibility for present conditions 21 

Political parties - 22 

Co-operation and competition 32 

Under liberty regulated by justice, self-interest is 

sufficient to guide the electorate 34 

Popular rule thereby possible 34 

A natural course tends to simplify government ana 

to support morality and Christianity 34 

Government 38 

War 41 

Some examples of compensation 47, 68 

The constitution 51 

Freedom, a relative term 53 

Need of men 57 

v The law 57 

Education and enlightenment 58 

Money 63 

Infidelity 67 

Peace, causes contributory thereto 74 



PATRIOTISM 

By Robert Stanley Bennett. 



In the long vista of the years to roll, 
Let me not see my country's honor fade. 

— Keats. 

A short time ago I examined some pamphlets sent 
out by a United States Congressman who was cam- 
paigning for re-election. Among them was one con- 
taining a speech by President Nicholas Murray Butler, 
of Columbia University, delivered before the Com- 
mercial Club of St. Louis, November 27, 191 1, on the 
subject, Why Should We Change Our Form of Gov- 
ernment? The pamphlet was published at the Gov- 
ernment printing office, Washington, D. C. 

I read Mr. Butler's speech and re-read it. There 
are in it many things significant of the times. The 
main burden of the discussion seems to be to discredit 
the Initiative, Referendum and Recall. Though it is 
not my purpose here to discuss these, I look upon them 
as natural developments by means of which the peo- 
ple are trying to retain the government of the United 
States in their own hands ; to apprise the officials of the 
government that they owe allegiance, not' to irre- 
sponsible corporate interests, but to the people whose 
servants they are. Whatever their imperfections, I 
think these measures are effective toward securing this 
end, and in helping to render this a government "of 
the people, by the people, and for the people." 

All the benefits which may be enumerated as coming 
from association and co-operation are ours because of 
union. There will probably be few issues on which a 

—5— 



country so large as our own, so varied in products 
and adaptability could unite without some concessions. 
And these are compromises to which we must accede 
in order to enjoy the benefits of union. The fact can- 
not be overemphasized that modern conditions render 
it absolutely necessary that the modern statesman 
place the general welfare first in all considerations. 
The resultant of interests is the dynamic force in na- 
tional affairs. This must be the case when there is 
social and commercial intercourse; it need not be the 
case when these do not exist. And it might be said 
that there is now scarcely a place in the world which 
does not demand more or less of the solicitude of 
modern statesmanship. Yet let there be clearly under- 
stood the difference between solicitude and exploita- 
tion. 

The real problem before our country is the one 
which vitalizes the topics discussed in Mr. Butler's 
speech, besides a multitude of others. The relation of 
present issues to the general welfare is of paramount 
importance at the present time. 

The purposes of the Constitution of the United 
States are clearly defined in the six clauses of the Pre- 
amble. One of these clauses, to quote it literally, is 
"to establish justice." 

Where justice reigns, special privilege cannot ex- 
ist. Inasmuch as special privilege does exist, to that 
extent is justice thwarted. 

Special privilege is a license to use power without 
accountability ; without regard to the duty which must 
accompany its use. Those who think that such a con- 
dition can be permanently established in human af- 
fairs will change their view as experience widens, and 



this very change of view is the result of accountability. 
Government cannot set aside the decree of natural law, 
that power and duty must go hand in hand. There is 
nothing occult or mysterious about this. He who is 
selfishly greedy for power is unable to wield it so as to 
retain it. The bulwark behind which the power of the 
self-seeker must intrench itself is gradually disinte- 
grated by the expedients to which its possessor must 
resort to perpetuate it. While he is nursing his power 
his intrenchments disappear and, paradoxically, to 
retain his power without them he must relinquish it. 
But if it be recognized that duty must accompany 
power, selfishness can no longer be a controlling force 
and all effort is valued according to a just standard. 

In Europe we have beheld the spectacle of the at- 
tempt, through the Spanish Inquisition, to make people 
think alike; there also we have seen the attempt to 
prove by force of arms that the king rules by divine 
right. Though these efforts were unsuccessful in 
gaining the ends sought, yet they were useful, for we 
cannot fail to see in them a proof of the fact that force 
and strategy are absolutely inadequate to accomplish 
certain things. Men will be a long way ahead when 
they come generally to realize this fact. 

When government would dethrone justice and try 
by force to establish special privilege, then the hags 
of fate meet in portentious conclave. 

History shows nothing more clearly than that when 
governments interfere with justice they pass into a 
troubled sea where is found the profuse wreckage of 
the past. The clashings and contentions of to-day in 
our country are the breakers on the shoals of a dark 
and forbidding sea ahead. 

Within a short time past the civilized world has been 



saddened with a tragic and helpless sadness, by the 
destruction and sinking of the great Titanic. We 
could say nothing but It might have been; we could 
do nothing but bow in submission. 

Another Titanic is plying the sea. Apparently she 
is attempting a speed-record. She is gorgeous, beau- 
tiful, stately ; she is consecrated by the unselfish labors 
of the pioneer; she is sanctified by the blood of the 
hero, by the unstinted love and devotion of warm 
hearts ; she bears the hope of our civilization, perhaps, 
the hope of democracy. There are no life-boats ; all 
must float or sink together. She is not in the midst of 
quiet summer seas ; there are icebergs, and it is some- 
what dark. Light is needed; for light, and devotion 
on the part of those who guide are our only hope. No 
one in this ship can possibly conceive his highest inter- 
est to be other than one with the interest of all. 

Shall we pass onward in the twilight toward the 
hidden reefs, of which the light of history and our 
own inner consciousness bid us beware? Before the 
Syren-call, shall our country prove weaker than 
Ulysses ? 

To him who refuses to turn his face from the less 
inviting aspects of the future, let no so-called optimist 
say, "Oh, you pessimist ! Are you not ashamed ?" To 
this I should reply: "No, I am not ashamed." We 
know that real optimism is born of greatness; that 
narrow optimism is ; the lethe of destruction, the 
narcotic that soothes the way to death. Yet I would 
not be severe in my answer, for even an attempt, if it 
be sincere to emulate a love for optimism, is to me a 
proof of the fundamental greatness of human nature. 

But the danger that is seen is really not danger. 
The reef from which a mariner turns aside is a danger 

"~ *.. Q 

- ?a O 



avoided by a very simple process. This is the result 
of knowledge, of light gained perhaps from the wreck- 
ing of some other vessel. To know where danger lies 
and to turn from it is clearly the way by which it may 
be avoided. 

When we stand beside the pale remains of Greece 
and Rome we must be struck by the fact that for some 
reason they did not turn aside. We cannot believe 
they are dead because they may have completed their 
work, for their work is going on. They are dead 
because they tried, against immutable law, to divert 
God-given powers from progressive to narrow selfish 
ends. Were they the ships to be wrecked that we 
might know the reef? Here beside these let us stand 
with uncovered heads bowed before the work of the 
inexorable and everlasting laws of nature and of 
nature's God. Let the business man get out of the 
harness for once in a lifetime and ask himself, "What 
have I been doing ? What am I doing ?" Let the legis- 
lator, the judge, the lawyer do likewise. We must not 
play with immutable and universal law ,or we shall be 
punished as surely as is the child that picks up a coal 
of fire. 

Poetic imagination so far outstrips the laborious 
efforts of the pure scientist that it is always in the 
vanguard of progress ; and it has shown many beauti- 
ful parallelisms between the laws regulating the phys- 
ical world and those governing individual and social 
welfare. To the soul and imagination of man there 
is no unstable equilibrium in the universe; there is 
nothing outside the domain of law and regulation. We 
are reminded of the inability of the unaided mental 
powers of man to cope with the ultimate problems, by 

—9— 



the variety of reports it brings. In attempting to 
secure its highest good through knowledge alone as dis- 
tinct from faith, humanity can only build a Tower of 
Babel. In poetry these things are not perceived as the 
reign of law. To it they are the beautiful inter-rela- 
tion and balance between the whole and its parts ; 
between the several parts and the whole. Religion 
also recognizing this perfect balance knows that for all 
fundamental desires and aspirations of humanity there 
is a satisfaction. These are two perceptions of one 
idea which gives to man the only true repose and hap- 
piness to be found. 

Anarchy is the work of a small and unaided intelli- 
gence. It is a belief that fundamental law can be 
evaded with impunity. What I mean by a funda- 
mental law (or statute) is one founded upon the great 
and unchanging principles of our Declaration of Inde- 
pendence, and of the preamble to our Federal Consti- 
tution; upon liberty, justice, security of person and 
property. An attempt to evade such a law shows 
fundamentally a belief in anarchy. The most danger- 
ous anarchist with which we have to deal is the big, 
spectacular thief, the briber, the corruptionist, and 
this kind has made the other class as a by-product of 
their work. 

May I say here that the conception that law and 
consequent order reign in the world need not be in the 
least a degrading one as compared with any other 
ideas we may have. These laws and nature itself are 
only instruments or agencies in the hands of an all- 
wise Creator. Definite means to definite ends in the 
universal way. The more we understand, the greater 
should be our reverence. 

Society is permeated and controlled by laws similar 



in many respects to natural physical laws. From the 
smallest cell of life to the most complex organism, 
natural selection works as steadily as the law of gravi- 
tation in the physical world, leading on to a definite 
end. The movement toward this end can be defined 
only as progress. And there is a social progress in the 
course defined by natural selection among nations. In 
what direction is this social progress ? 

High moral standards render a complex society pos- 
sible; low moral standards render a complex society 
impossible. However, it might seem that the evidence 
of this places it beyond dispute, I wish to show that 
the idea is not a new one. Washington, in his Fare- 
well Address, says : "It is substantially true that vir- 
tue or morality is a necessary spring of popular gov- 
ernments," also: "Alas! it (the permanent felicity 
of a nation) is rendered impossible by its (the 
nation's) vices." Lincoln said in his Cooper Union 
speech: "Let us have faith that right makes might 
and in that faith let us to the end dare to do our duty 
as we understand it." We have from Edmund 
Burke: "Magnanimity in politics is not seldom the 
truest wisdom ; and a great empire and little minds go 
ill together." So it is evident from principle and from 
these statements that the progress of society is toward 
high moral principles. 

In governmental affairs this establishes the ideal of 
liberty regulated by justice. Just in proportion as 
these great principles are active or inactive in govern- 
ments we find social progress on the one hand, or social 
decay on the other. If the sum total of our govern- 
mental activity comes to represent something opposed 
to this ideal — of liberty regulated by justice — then we 
must relinquish the torch of progress to that nation or 

— n — 



race which will bear it on. Or to express this other- 
wise, if the genius of our institutions is to persist, we 
must conform to the conditions thereby imposed. And 
if ever we shall have the misfortune to come into 
effective opposition to this ideal, battleships, armies 
and wealth, how great so ever, will be but as straws in 
the wind against all-powerful laws. These no doubt 
have usefulness, under present conditions at any rate, 
when used in compliance with the laws which are based 
upon these great principles ; but it is an absolute waste 
and seems a mockery that they be set in opposition 
to them. 

Perhaps some evolutionist may say: "But is not 
brute force the controlling factor in evolution?" 
Brute force is sometimes a preserving factor and some- 
times it is not. Were this answerable in the affirma- 
tive, man as an evolutionary being would be below the 
horse, the lion, and many other animals, and would 
not be, as he really is, the king of creation. It is the 
hand and the intellect of man working under the guid- 
ance of his moral powers, that have given him, through 
natural selection, his high place among creatures. 

Among those things which at present require the 
attention of our country nothing is more notable than 
monopoly. But in a discussion of the selfish spirit of 
monopoly there always come forward the man who 
asks, "O! who wouldn't if he could?" and he who 
says, "I am practical ; I do not believe in theory." It 
is well to consider these statements here. The first 
comes from ignorance. What the second speaker 
means, neither do I know nor does he, but his 
expressed sentiment is mainly the result of perverted 
motive. 

I must say that the first speaker is the real pessimist. 

— 12— 



He does not know of his heritage from Valley Forge, 
from Gettysburg; he does not know that the signers 
of the Declaration of Independence, in case of failure 
and capture, faced a mock trial and nothing less than 
a hasty execution; he does not know of his heritage 
from the Pilgrims who struggled and suffered and 
toiled, but not in vain. If human nature were no 
higher than the statement, "Who wouldn't if he 
could?" represents it; supposing that progress might 
have been possible before 1492, the Redskin would yet 
roam this country, and we would be the oppressed 
descendants of a line of peasantry in Europe to-day. 
He who cherishes such belief stands in a well and will 
not even look up to see the stars. He has not read of 
Valley Forge because it did not pay; he has heard 
of Gettysburg, but it did not pay to learn about it. 
Here we have an example of the price that may be 
paid for gain. Yet, there is a heroism that obeys a 
native instinct; that knows not of Valley Forge or of 
the Pilgrim. 

Let us take another view. This man, whoever he 
may be, has a heritage from the greatness of the 
founders of our government. He, his family, and his 
friends, have security of life, of person, of property, 
of business, and security in the pursuit of their happi- 
ness and interest. Whence this security? From the 
high moral principles stated in our Declaration of 
Independence, embodied in our Federal Constitution, 
and thus incarnated in our government. Our fore- 
fathers have left to this man and to all a beautiful 
structure, the keystone of each arch of which is some 
high and divine moral principle. Monopoly is 
attempting to remove the keystone from the master 
arch to use for no higher purpose than for a footstool, 

—13— 



and this man standing within the building says, "Who 
wouldn't if he could?" He wouldn't if he could, who 
understands that when the keystones are removed the 
building, himself, and his are a mass of ruins. All 
that is needed here is understanding. 

The hope of the republic is an even-handed execu- 
tion of justice, whereby men are constrained to respect 
the rights of their neighbors as well as the general 
welfare. Disregard of justice will bring in its wake a 
rising tide of trouble and national ills ; a tide which 
shall culminate eventually in the dissolution of our 
institutions if we do not grasp our present opportuni- 
ties to remove the cause. 

We are justified in the belief that men act accord- 
ing to the idea they have of their own self-interests. 
The idea a man has of his true interest is determined 
by the relative value he sets upon the three parts of his 
being, namely, the moral, mental and physical. That 
part upon which he sets the higher valuation, will, 
under freedom, control his actions. Real light comes 
from control by the higher, the moral, interest. In 
proportion as control is by either of the other two, 
there is more or less groping in darkness. 

From the statement, "I am practical ; I do not believe 
in theory," we perceive a misconception of the mean- 
ing of the word practical. A right or a wrong theory 
underlies every voluntary act. In compliance with 
sound theory right finds its justification; in non-com- 
pliance, wrongs finds its destruction. Sound theory and 
the practical are inseparably united. Such statements 
as, "I am practical ; I do not believe in theory," usually 
come from a certain class of business men, and from 
politicians. 

It is needless to say that legitimate business need be 

—14— 



neither feared nor condemned. Such is the business 
that stands firmest under the protection of good laws ; 
that is consistent with honor, truth and veracity; that 
finds it not incumbent to wear one cloak on Sunday 
and another throughout the remainder of the week. 

No political economist worthy of the name has 
claimed that a man should not be free in the use and 
enjoyment of his own possessions, so far as such 
use and enjoyment does not interfere with the similar 
rights of others. I consider it beyond question that a 
man has a right to the fruit of his abstinence and of his 
toil; that exceptional ability should be rewarded. I 
consider it beyond question, "that all men are created 
equal, that they are endowed, by their Creator, with 
certain unalienable rights ; that among these are life, 
liberty, and pursuit of happiness." 

To try to hold and maintain that which is one's own 
is an indefeasible right. To try to get something for 
nothing; to attempt to secure that which belongs to 
others, singly or collectively, without rendering just 
return, in short to try to steal hoping that immunity 
from punishment may some way be found — this is the 
work of greed, of anarchy. 

It is sufficient if men govern their actions by real or 
enlightened motives of self-interest. For, as is previ- 
ously implied, all men's actions, from the hero down, 
may, without degrading the idea, be considered as in 
accordance with a more or less enlightened view of 
self-interest. The hero or martyr considering rightly 
his moral interests, his highest acts accordingly sacri- 
ficing all others. The scientist who has suffered or 
died in order that his discovery may be of benefit to 

—15— 



mankind, has done likewise. To the guidance of the 
physical and intellectual powers, by the higher qualities 
of the soul of man, we owe, James Watts's labors 
which made possible the steam engine ; Sir Isaac New- 
ton's invention of the calculus, through which we are 
enabled to use infinity itself as a common tool ; Colum- 
bus' discovery of America, and practically all other 
improvements and discoveries useful to mankind. 

That business which can find protection only in 
bribery of legislators and evasion of law, is an enemy 
of free government. The business man whose (sup- 
posed) interests must thus seek protection is attempt- 
ing to remove the chief corner-stone from our govern- 
ment. He is attempting, however unconsciously or 
ignorantly, to undermine the security of his person, of 
his property, of his business, of his family, of his 
friends, and of the future of his children. 

Allow me here to quote again from Washington's 
Farewell Address, regarding interference by monopo- 
lies in governmental affairs : "However combinations 
of the above description (with the real design to direct, 
control, counteract or awe the regular deliberation and 
action of the constituted authorities) may now and 
then answer popular ends, they are likely in the course 
of time and things, to become potent engines, by which 
cunning, ambitious and unprincipled men will be 
enabled to subvert the power of the people, and to 
usurp for themselves the reins of government ; destroy- 
ing afterwards the very engines which have lifted them 
to unjust dominion." 

So also we find a distorted and narrow view of his 
self-interest in the legislator who would sell a vote ; in 
the judge who is influenced by selfish considerations in 
rendering a decision; and in the lawyer who would 

— 16— 



help in the miscarriage of justice. Of course these 
things are done against the promptings of conscience, 
that monitor of the soul, but the reaction upon the gov- 
ernment and upon the interests of the perpetrator are 
not so clearly seen. If the effect were seen in its 
entirety, true self-interest would dictate that it should 
not be done. 

Only one motive remains for the doing of such 
things : the hope that it may be possible to get away 
with the loot, and, at the same time, be free from the 
effects of the crime against society. Toward such 
incapacity, and inability to use and preserve the bless- 
ings which the past has bequeathed to all, society 
should use that means — such as is used under similar 
circumstances — which its best interests require. All 
men recognize, however, that it is not so bad to make 
a mistake, if it be rectified in the light. 

Here may I quote a few words from Edward Gib- 
bon, who viewed the facts of history from a height 
never before his time attained by man. Let us take 
no special credit to ourselves, if by standing on the 
shoulders of a giant we may peer a little further ; nor 
let us permit his twelve years of labor to count for 
naught in the affairs of government. It may be sup- 
posed that it is the interest, because it is usually the 
course, of an absolute monarch to oppress, and tyran- 
nize over his subjects. But Gibbon says : "The true 
interest of an absolute monarch generally coincides 
with that of his people. Their numbers, their wealth, 
their order, and their security, are the best and only 
foundation of his real greatness. And were he totally 
devoid of virtue, prudence might supply its place and 
would dictate the same rule of conduct." To a clear 
understanding the same is recognized as true of any 

—17— 



man, in our country, whose power is great for good 
or for evil. 

Government is a means to an end. It is evident 
that that form is best which best serves the interests 
of the governed. If a change means only that one 
selfish system of government is to be displaced by 
another selfish system ; if greed and an absence of pub- 
lic spirit are to be carried from the old system to 
become the dominant force in the new, the change 
would be useful in only one respect; it would be a 
temporary discomfiture to the mightier and well organ- 
ized forces of greed. The tentacles of greed are long 
in entwining themselves about established institu- 
tions. This is no doubt because greed must work in the 
dark and by underhand methods. A change of sys- 
tem is therefore most hateful to those who are actu- 
ated entirely by it. Into a new system greed must 
begin again to inject its poison little by little. The 
more safely greed thinks itself established the nearer 
we are to a general upheaval. When "practicality" 
measures itself by wisdom it is quite often discredited. 

For this reason, since we are gaining only a tem- 
porary respite by inaugurating any change in which 
the poison is carried from the old into the new form, 
should we not temper our urgent desire and at the 
same time heighten our hopes for final success by con- 
sidering the vital question? Unrestrained greed in 
whatever form is inadmissible in any government. The 
ideal of our government is good. Its form should be 
changed as need appears. The vital issue is the greed 
which poisons our institutions. 

Let us compare the real interests of property with 
the real interests of people in a society. 

— 18— 



The value of property depends almost entirely upon 
the peace and security which result from a good gov- 
ernment. 

The peace and security which result from a good 
government depends upon the obedience of all to good 
laws. 

Therefore, the value of property depends upon the 
obedience of all to good laws. 

Thus we see the identity of the interests of property 
with the interests of people individually and collec- 
tively. 

By the use of the limiting words "almost entirely" 
in one of the foregoing statements, I mean to intro- 
duce the qualification that all property, except that 
which could be borne upon the person, or at least such 
as could be contained within a very small compass — 
all except such, for example, as diamonds or gold — 
would be reduced in value to almost nothing under 
unsettled conditions. Even such would depreciate 
more or less in value. What I mean by a good govern- 
ment and by good laws, is such as are founded upon 
principles of liberty and justice. Such is the ideal of 
our government and such is the spirit of our constitu- 
tion. So long as a government is, in spirit and in 
truth, anchored in these principles it is safe. 

Here we might speak of the representation of prop- 
erty in a republic. A man, no matter what his wealth, 
needs but one vote, and that is for him as a man. He 
is one of the people, and if the people en masse have 
their way they will have a good government. Under 
a good government property is perfectly secure and 
has its greatest value because of equality of opportuni- 
ty. Insecurity of property and consequent reduction 

—19— 



in its value — not in its price — come from one thing — 
unrestrained greed. 

But since wealth depends for its usefulness and I 
value upon good government, it should bear its pro- 
portionate part toward maintaining the same. Though i 
much interrelated, wealth owes more to society thani 
society owes to wealth. 

In all despotisms, such as Russia, there is no more; 
common characteristic than insecurity of person and I 
property. The same insecurity existed in France: 
before the French Revolution; and from insecurity 
among the masses it is only one short step to insecur- 
ity of person and property of all. When moderation, 
deference and respect for law, are discarded by either 
rich or poor, then is thrown away the most precious 
possession of both. A long, black night of anarchy 
must necessarily precede absolutism in government. 

Humanity can be engaged in no more useless or 
hopeless task than to adopt some foolish notion or bit 
of false pride and try to warp religion, evolution, logic 
and common sense to fit this. Greater wisdom and 
sagacity are expressed by the man who grasps a 
mighty oak to wrench it from its anchorage in the soil 
and rocks. But "each little man to his oak" is not our 
greatest cause for apprehension. The energies of such 
misguided people are almost wholly nullified. It 
becomes our special care when, to certain classes or 
bodies of men, this oak comes to be identical with our 
institutions. Remember that there is a point at which 
even the oak gives way. Society must treat such as 
the maniac, that would burn the house which shelters 
him. Such are vote-sellers and vote-buyers, and those 
who supervise or aid that which must depend upon lob- 
bying or traffic in votes for its existence. As the 

—20 — 



maniac should not be maltreated, neither should these ; 
but they should be either taught better or placed where 
they cannot do harm to the body politic. 

It is now incumbent, not only upon the plain peo- 
ple, as is usually said to be the case, but upon every 
citizen to help make republican government work. 
Incidentally I shall say here that the Initiative, Refer- 
endum and Recall are directed, and are also effective 
toward that end. Their purpose gained, they would 
become dead letters for want of usefulness. No more 
do we desire to dash prematurely forward into untried 
fields than to drop back under a less fitted form of 
government. In perspective, under statesmanship or 
revolution, progress is steady, step by step. If too 
much is gained under revolution, in a short time, it is 
relinquished in a reaction. 

What is the cause of present conditions? Why do 
we think that representative democratic government is 
coming to discredit? Some say it is from the neglect 
of the voter. To some extent this is true, but let us 
not be deceived here. If a business man hires an 
agent for good wages and then must attend to every 
detail of the duty of this agent, we see that, in plain 
words, the latter is no good. The people have chosen 
in the established manner, and they have paid well, 
officers — legislative, executive and judicial — to take 
care of the collective interests, of the interests of all. 
The main business of the citizens en masse is more 
important than this ; it is to labor, and upon this labor 
absolutely depends the sustenance and welfare of all. 
Through dishonesty or incapacity, which are twin 
brothers, many of the officers hired to serve the gen- 
eral welfare, have shown themselves unworthy of the 
trust reposed in them. The people have trusted, and 

— 21 — 



while this was perhaps not judicious, it was natural. 
But because people trust is no justification to those 
who criminally betray a trust. It is no justification 
for shoplifting, that goods are placed upon an open 
counter for inspection. 

The exaggerated importance of political parties is 
highly deserving of attention to-day.* The selfish 
spirit which places party first, the country to find what 
it may, is founded upon a desire not to serve, but to 
be served. 

It is probable that popular government cannot be 
conducted without the appearance of political parties. 
No doubt between certain limits they have a whole- 
some effect. Parties develop naturally. People in a 
society find greater effectiveness by working in leagues 
and associations. But what good thing has not cer- 
tain limits of usefulness, beyond which it becomes of 
no use, a disadvantage, or positively dangerous ? This 
is true of food, of rest, of labor. So it is with political 
parties. And I am glad that I must look no further 
than to the Farewell Address of the Father of Our 
Country to find proof of this. Though I cannot under- 
stand it is quite so grave a danger as he thinks party 
spirit is, when he says of it with reference to popular 
governments — "and is truly their worst enemy" — for 
I consider that it cannot dispute the field with monop- 
oly. Perhaps in Washington's time it was so. 

He says : "Let me now take a more comprehensive 
view, and warn you in the most solemn manner 



*Since the following, concerning Political Parties, was 
written the National Republican Convention at Chicago and 
other events have thrown upon this subject a very strong 
light. 

— 22 — 



against the baneful effect of party spirit generally"; 
also, 

"It (party spirit) exists under different shapes in 
all governments, more or less stifled, controlled or re- 
pressed; but in those of the popular form it is seen 
in its greatest rankness, and is truly their worst 
enemy"; also, 

"The disorders and miseries which result (from 
party or faction domination) gradually incline the 
minds of the men to seek security and repose in the 
absolute power of an individual ; and sooner or later 
the chief of some prevailing faction, more able or 
more fortunate than his competitors, turn this disposi- 
tion to the purposes of his own elevation on the ruins 
of public liberty." 

But it might be said here that this is apt to occur 
only when party domination has rendered liberty a 
mere empty name. 

The motives that lead to domination of party spirit 
are, as I consider them : 

A hope to secure some office or post of honor, profit 
or trust, even to the presidency of the United States. 

A fear that when the party boss says, "I will take 
care of you," it means the loss of these. 

A fear of the name "Mugwump." (This is almost 
humorous.) 

A fear of such charges as "ingratitude." 

Politicians are men who in governmental affairs are 
controlled by these considerations. 

However great some of these prizes may be, they 
can add no greatness to the man who obeys his inward 
consciousness, and stands above them. To those who, 
controlled by these motives, attain the badge of dis- 
tinction sought, it often serves only to disprove their 

—23— 



claim to greatness, which might never have been 
effected had they remained in obscurity. 

But everything is purchased with a price. Why 
should a young man from the time of his first outlook 
upon political life, poison and warp and deform his 
higher nature, in the hope that he may, through party 
machinery, obtain some badge of honor which has 
been rendered empty and meaningless by the way he 
came into possession of it? The ideals of high and 
true statesmanship are to the mind and soul of their 
possessor, as the beneficent sunshine and the wide 
expanse of heaven to the flower. In contrast with this 
environment which brings forth native vigor clothed 
in beauty, we have partisan politics bringing forth its 
pale, sickly weaklings of cellar growth. This is the 
reaction upon the individual. The country suffers, but 
it pays in kind. Those who inflict injury receive it in 
return. The law of stability or compensation fills the 
universe with apparent irony. Those who take for 
naught, take from themselves. Those who give are 
enriched. 

But that word mugwump is a terrible anathema. I 
have only the deepest sympathy for those who may 
be fearful and apprehensive of it. As first aid to such 
I would advise : Five minutes after you have been so 
called examine your pulse, and if there is life there is 
hope. 

Let us not grow pessimistic in view of the character 
of politicians who are so common to-day. There are 
great and good men in our government, but since the 
Civil War, if I may so express it, we have to some 
extent been coasting. Governments, under reasonably 
prosperous conditions, are somewhat automatic in their 
action ; at any rate, they can bear a great deal of neg- 
. . —24— 



lect. This is not to say that neglect is, in the least, 
justifiable, for we are now paying the price of it; and 
if such carelessness continue, we can have only worse 
in the future. Politicians have been elected to fill 
vacant chairs. There are vastly more men who would 
not sell a vote or be swayed by the lobbyist than would 
fill our legislative halls to overflowing. They have not 
been so acutely needed for some time past till now. 

To sell is to sell for a price. Would any sane man 
who knows the value of both exchange a dollar for a 
penny? The money is the price of a vote. What is 
sold to secure it? The voter, insofar as his vote is 
influential, is selling the security of his person, of his 
property, of his liberty, of his business, of his heritage 
in a free government. He may not think so, but this 
is a fact. And the results are soon apparent. They 
come upon the vote-seller, as upon all, in the high cost 
of living, in inequality of business opportunity, in inse- 
curity of property. He is willing for selfish ends to 
sacrifice the rights of (himself) his friends and coun- 
trymen. 

And let me say here that the man who buys a vote 
is doing the same thing, and is of the same stripe as 
the man who sells. For no vote is ever sold or pur- 
chased except to protect some crime against society. 
The vote-seller is an amateur, a subaltern; he is not a 
statesman. It is the work which calls the man; it is 
the absence of pressing need for a man which breeds 
the politician. Let us not deceive ourselves by the 
belief that there are now no Washingtons, no Jeflfer- 
sons. Let us not think that Cromwell and Hampden, 
and even Bonaparte, have no counterpart in our day. 
The suddenness with which these last might appear I 
hope will never be the sad surprise of the American 

—25— 



people. But the only alternative, perhaps, is, to revive 
the quiet, wise, unselfish, noble statesmanship of 
Washington, Jefferson and Lincoln. 

I cannot understand Mr. Butler's position when he 
says in his speech (before referred to) : "If any com- 
munity or State insists upon subjecting the ordinary 
work of its Legislature to a general referendum, it 
insists at the same time that it shall be served in its 
Legislature by second-rate and third-rate men, and that 
its representatives shall be turned into delegates." 
Whatever may be the imperfections of the Initiative, 
Referendum and Recall, their purpose is to get rid 
of second-rate and third-rate men as representatives; 
to secure a representation not of delegates, but of 
statesmen. The logical trend of this view is toward 
pessimism. Are we to presume that the people will 
not acquiesce in true, sincere, patriotic statesmanship? 
Furthermore, is it unworthy of high ability and true 
statesmanship to blaze the trail of governmental prog- 
ress into the uncharted future? As to these conten- 
tions, I grant this alone, that under the developments 
before referred to a distinct line is drawn between the 
mercenary politician and the disinterested statesman. 
If these protective measures on the part of the people 
can accomplish their purpose, they will abolish the only 
cause for their existence, and would soon become dead 
letters for want of usefulness. No doubt the people 
have not in these a perfect instrument. What govern- 
mental regulation works perfectly? Perhaps to place 
the purchase and sale of votes in the statute of treason, 
where it really and technically belongs, would be more 
effective till better men can be called to leadership. 
Among the acts which are classified as admitting and 

— 26 — 



harboring an invading enemy, we find none more 
destructive to the general welfare than bribery, which 
legalizes a rapacious monopoly. 

This speech by Mr. Butler is, for what reason I 
know not, an uncertain sound from Columbia Univer- 
sity. It is to be hoped that our universities will 
remain abreast of the times. Their help is needed. 
We know that some are meeting the issue. Those 
which do not enjoy this distinction are suggestive of 
the statement of Adam Smith regarding the universi- 
ties of the time of which he writes: "The improve- 
ments which, in modern times have been made in 
several different branches of philosophy, have not, 
the greater part of them, been made in universities, 
though some no doubt have. The greater part of 
universities have not been very forward to adopt those 
improvements after they were made, and several of 
those learned societies have chosen to remain, for a 
long time, the sanctuaries in which exploded systems 
and obsolete prejudices found shelter and protection, 
after they had been hunted out of every other corner 
of the world." Mr. Smith claims that the richest and 
best endowed universities were the most averse, and 
the poorer ones the most willing, to adopt needed 
improvements. 

The only university in the east with which I am in 
some degree familiar from personal contact is Har- 
vard. She partakes of the imperfections to which 
human institutions are heir, but never in a critical 
time have I known her to step aside from the path of 
truth and progress. She is of heroic origin : Veritas 
is in her heraldry, and this she must protect, while set 
with it is Christo et Hcclesia. So long as she has 
respect and reverence for these her course is defined 

—27— 



as are the paths of the worlds launched in space, fixed 
by mathematical law. I know it is her aim to impress 
truth and reverence upon the minds and hearts of those 
who pass within her halls. The student entering 
through her gate is admonished, Enter to grow in 
knowledge; upon departing for the active business of 
the world, Depart to serve better thy country and thy 
kind. 

Legislators have made good laws and they have also 
made useless laws. But good laws, if not executed, 
are useless. The execution of good laws is now 
greatly hindered in our courts, where the balance of 
power seems to lay at present. Take, for example, the 
Sherman Anti-Trust Law. This was made by a wise 
statesman, and is a good law. Its aim is to establish 
competition in business. 

In some branches of business, as for example the 
conducting of railroads, competition is impracticable. 
In such cases the only logical solution seems to be pub- 
lic monopoly or government ownership. Govern- 
mental supervision may be a transitional development 
toward this end, but it will prove very ineffectual 
toward accomplishing the desired results. The advisa- 
bility of public ownership of telegraph and telephone 
lines is scarcely to be questioned. 

Let us remember that in government ownership we 
are tending toward massiveness and unwieldliness of 
government. Developments in this direction could be 
carried so far as to cause efficiency and progress to 
suffer as they now suffer from present conditions. In 
our attempt to avoid the extortion of private owner- 
ship on the one hand, and the massiveness, unwieldli- 
and tyrrany of a strongly centralized government on 

—28— 



the other, competition must take care of a great deal. 

The growth of democratic ideas tends slowly to 
remove this danger of government centralization. 
The most common argument against competition is 
that of the waste which is said to result from it. But, 
under present conditions, this brings us only to a 
choice between two evils. 

When the interests of our country are at stake we 
should not fear the waste of competition, which is to a 
great extent a chimera. The vital waste is to lose our 
liberty and the ideals of our nation. This is no chi- 
mera. This, and not the "waste," which is in truth 
only a tribute wrung from the consumer in the form of 
monopoly exactions, faces us for an answer. The 
waste of competition is not felt by the consumer, and 
never will be under monopoly, except as he pays more 
for what he buys than perhaps he would under com- 
petition. If monopoly can exact more, it will do so, 
of course. Since wages is controlled by supply and 
demand, under monopoly the laborer can feel this 
"waste" only in reduction of wages. 

Monopoly fastens its tenacles where these two con- 
ditions exist together; namely, a great human need 
(or desire), and a more or less complex social pro- 
cess through which this need is satisfied. Its strength 
or weakness is in proportion as these conditions are 
jointly fulfilled. If either of these conditions is not 
fulfilled in even the slightest degree, there cannot be 
a monopoly ; if both are fulfilled perfectly, there is the 
condition for the development of monopoly in its 
most powerful and dangerous form. 

Let us consider monopoly in its relation to a com- 
mon useful product, iron. 

In its advance society has certain definite needs, 

—29— 



among which are metals. Iron is, no doubt, the most 
useful of these. Perhaps we might not be so im- 
pressed by its usefulness until we try to imagine our 
civilization without it; and consider the far-reaching 
effects of such a condition. 

Under such circumstances transportation and man- 
ufactures, if conducted at all, would be almost neg- 
ligible in their effectiveness for present needs. With- 
out manufactures we could have no convenient or 
desirable article except such as a farmer or a herds- 
man could readily make from what is near at hand. 
In any ordinary discussion it is practically impossible 
to give the least idea of what would follow the dis- 
continuance of the use of iron (not supposing it to be 
replaced by other metals, even if this were possible). 

The vast forests of our Pacific slope would now 
be and remain in their virgin state. The treeless 
plains of the west would be contested between the 
hunter and the herdsman. The valleys of the Missis- 
sippi and of some of its tributaries toward the south 
would probably support a considerable agricultural 
population which would dwindle toward the north, 
there giving way to people in a hunting or pastoral 
state. So would it be toward the north-east. On the 
Atlantic coast would perhaps be found a sparse popu- 
lation, increasing toward the south. 

My only aim in writing this is to show the effect 
of an absence of the use of iron in our country and 
the dependence of our civilization upon it. Food can 
hardly be said to be more necessary to the human 
body than is iron to our complex civilization. Being 
a necessity under our state of society, we see how it 
fills the first condition of a subject of monopoly; and 
the various expensive and intricate processes through 

— 3°— 



which it must go from the time it is taken from the 
earth as ore until it forms some article of utility 
fulfill the second condition. 

By way of further illustration, nothing is of greater 
utility to the individual than air, but owing to the fact 
that the other condition is not fulfilled in the least — 
that is, that is cannot be "cornered" — air is not mon- 
opolized. 

According as industries become thus vital to social 
life they must eventually pass under social control. 

An invisible pressure on the judicial department of 
our federal government is sensed in the attempt on 
the part of the Supreme Court of the United States to 
invade the legislative field by injecting the word 
"unreasonable" into the Anti-Trust Law. Some would 
make the law more massive. Crooked business relishes 
nothing more than these efifective injunctions pending 
decision, while nothing holds more of discouragement 
for straightforward business. 

To suppose that a law can be made that will satisfy 
a quibbler is to assume that wrong will not argue that 
it is right. How many lawyers will choose only the 
right side ? How many, after having chosen the wrong 
side, will not argue that it is the right! There are 
defendants no doubt who would judiciously choose to 
confess a wrong frankly, but such have not been habit- 
ual wrongdoers, nor would they be. 

We are told that straightforward and needful action 
must necessarily tend to disturb the confidence of the 
business community. I do not doubt that this reason 
is given by many in sincerity. But if the "confidence 
of the business community" depends upon disrespect 
for law, then our government, through delays founded 
upon such fears, is only backing down and waiting the 

—31— 



crack of doom. No "constructive legislation" can be 
effective ; no "clear trail can be blazed," whereby busi- 
ness men can stifle competition and defy the natural 
rights of other men. These ways may be long desired 
and much sought for, but never, so long as universal 
law remains unchanged, shall they be found. Such 
giving way or backing down can only encourage dis- 
respect for law, and render government a mere name. 
Respect for law is the hope of our country, and can 
come only from having plain, straightforward laws — 
not too many — and executing them. 

The Anti-Trust Statute is an example of a law 
that is based in the eternal granite of nature. Com- 
petition is as old as evolution, as natural selection, as 
man himself. Shall we try lightly to set aside a prin- 
ciple which has never been rendered inactive through- 
out the life of organic nature? Even when, through 
government ownership, we may have succeeded, as we 
may say, in eliminating competition; it alone, some- 
where, must maintain excellence and efficiency or 
these will not be found at all. Its subversion has, of 
course, been attempted many times in the past. But 
the results have been revolution or the dismemberment 
of nations according as the effort has been stubbornly 
persisted in. Inefficiency and laziness find competi- 
tion their worst enemy. Whenever it is found neces- 
sary to advance arguments in favor of these qualities, 
we hear a great deal about the "waste" of competition. 
This is especially true with reference to manufacturing 
industries. It is not in the interest of any class that 
we should desire competition to be invoked; it is the 
interest of every citizen. 

The spring of competition is self-interest ; the extent 
of co-operation is determined by how we answer the 

—32— 



question, Who is my neighbor? In attempting the 
solution of social problems, to fail to consider the rela- 
tion between conditions as they are and the funda- 
mental tendencies of human nature is as destructive 
of the possibility of success as would be the case if 
any other essential condition were ignored. Competi- 
tion is an ever-ready expedient. In the past we have 
secured much from co-operation ; we hope much from 
it in the future. Society itself and the many institu- 
tions of civilization are built upon it as a basis. But 
in a country of so vast extent as our own, and where 
communication and interchange have been perfected 
as with us, co-operation — as is even the case in smaller 
communities for that matter — while it cannot advance 
beyond, must keep pace with the development of ideas 
and ideals. Please note that this cannot be said of 
competition, which has been one of the immediate fac- 
tors in evolutionary development from the beginning. 

In a community of limited extent and fixed native 
population it will almost invariably be found that the 
standards of morality are quite good. Each estab- 
lished member has a reputation which it is his interest 
to preserve. So long, as these communicate only 
among themselves, there is a good basis for beneficial 
co-operation. When, however, communication begins 
to extend beyond the bounds of this distinct commun- 
ity to the outside world which we vaguely term the 
public; when, for example, its members begin to sell 
milk, or eggs, or to manufacture articles or imple- 
ments, all of which may be used by people whom they 
have never seen and may never see, determining ideas 
arise. 

Co-operation may advance till it comes in contact 
with the low monopolistic idea, that all who deal with 

—33— 



this unknown and unsuspecting public are at liberty 
to be parasites and blood suckers. Let it be borne in 
mind that these developments of interechange and com- 
munication are necessary to modern social advance- 
ment ; also that these advances presuppose moral stand- 
ards equally high with the common well-bred man of 
a decent community, and much higher than those of 
any monopolist. 

A rare insight, substantiated by reasoning, led both 
Adam Smith and John Stuart Mill to teach funda- 
mentally that the most rational or natural course, under 
given circumstances, is the best possible economic 
course at the time to follow. Led on by the inspira- 
tion of the great and by knowledge gained through 
experience, man has chosen liberty regulated by justice 
as the ideal for government. The individual, seeking 
his own best course, is, under these, led, consciously 
or unconsciously, to seek the highest interest of all. 
Adam Smith spoke of this as "an invisible hand," that 
through self-interest guides the individual when the 
government seeks a natural or rational course. When 
popular governments hold to this, their only true ideal, 
they tend to perpetuate themselves. Under this, self- 
interest alone is sufficient to guide the electorate. But 
when this ideal is rejected it would seem strange to 
the scientist if the government should not at once begin 
to show the decay which must result in its destruction, 
if liberty regulated by justice comes to be wholly 
ignored. This comes about in the natural course of 
events. When the above-named principles are defied 
by the delegated authority, the electorate has nothing 
to destroy. They must rebuild, and they alone shall 
again establish real government. 

There are those who say that for one reason or 

—34— 



another the majority can not be trusted with our 
fundamental guarantees. It is a significant fact that 
the two greatest statesmen of our past, Washington 
and Lincoln, said just the opposite. Opposed also to 
this idea is the statement, so dear to all free-born men, 
that governments derive their just powers from the 
consent of the governed. What rights the people want 
for themselves I, personally, am satisfied with. Of 
course, this originates in a beleif in mankind en masse. 
Not believing in this I would be entirely at sea. 
Besides this, and of secondary importance, history 
gives such abundance of proof in substantiation of the 
belief that he who runs may read. To accept a fallacy 
as truth we must atfmit some absurdity. They who 
doubt the ideals of people in general are skeptical of 
the source from which they themselves have sprung, as 
well as the very basis and oganization of society itself. 
Again, to argue that we are so much above our origin 
— that is, so much above common humanity from 
which we have sprung — we must concede that there 
is a guiding hand outside of and greater than man. No 
false theories can escape the great foundation truths 
of the world. Then shall this guiding hand abdicate 
to him who finds himself the crowning work of crea- 
tion? Throughout history the majority directly, or 
through its representatives, has gained, against an 
opposing minority, all the rights that are now dear to 
every straightforward citizen. 

Science, logic and Christianity uphold belief in man. 
The greatness of human nature cannot be doubted. 
Examine, if you please, the great books which have 
been preserved to us only because they are a part of 
that kindred greatness. Great names, likewise, are 

—35— 



heralded across the centuries because of their kinship 
with simple human nature and with God. 

People in general are trustful, therefore easily 
deceived by lower grades of humanity, but this trust- 
fulness only shows forth a greatness of the people. 
Even those who would block the wheels of progress 
appeal through false and deceptive arguments to the 
reverence and real conservatism of the people ; to their 
love for their Constitution, for their country, for their 
great and revered names. The majority of the people 
is a thing too massive for effective impulsiveness, under 
ordinary conditions, and extraordinary conditions we 
want to avoid in the only possible way — that of wisdom 
and moderation. 

Monopoly is an infraction of liberty. The tariff is 
an artificial arrangement, causing an unnatural flow of 
capital to protected industries. It does not protect the 
laborer, and forces all consumers, including the laborer, 
to buy, not where they can buy cheapest, but to pay a 
tribute. If this tribute went to the government, and if 
it were all needed and wisely spent by it, there could 
be no objection, perhaps, as to that ; but it goes to swell 
the needlessly great fortunes of monopolists and manu- 
facturers. Such people degenerate through too much 
that others may degenerate through too little. Being 
an artificial arrangement, the tariff establishes false 
ideals among the people. Those who possess a pri- 
vate monopoly of any necessary article or natural 
resource are spoiled and demoralized by the power 
they possess to exploit their fellow men. The exploit- 
ed are likewise demoralized by a sense of wrongs and 
injustice to which they must submit without redress. 
Right and honor come thus to be less and less re- 
garded. 

-36- 



By permitting natural opposing tendencies each to 
hold the other in check, a natural course tends to sim- 
plify government ; to insure symmetry and consistency 
of growth. An unnatural course tends to massive- 4 
ness; to the increase of one part at the expense of 
others till the most disastrous results ensue. For 
example, protection to the already proportionately 
overgrown commercial life of our country brings as an 
accompaniment continuous and expensive, but usually 
ineffective, litigation. It makes necessary investigat- 
ing commissions and additional governmental bureaus. 
Each commission or bureau usually requires the addi- 
tional appointment of two more of its kind to hold the 
first appointed in the path of duty and efficiency. This 
is commonly the work of "lame ducks" and others 
similarly situated. The endless chain can easily be 
seen. Massiveness of government is unwholesome, 
ineffective and dangerous to the liberties of the gov- 
erned. 

The working of cause and effect through the 
immense fabric of society is so extremely complicated 
that it verges always on the limits of the known and 
the unknown. Thus, as we might expect, man has 
been givein faith to guide when experience fails. 
These two working together, one supplementing the 
other, define a natural course for an individual or a 
nation. Faith in the right principles can guide the 
most ignorant; but experience, or knowledge gained 
therefrom, can never stand completely alone. The 
slow working of cause and effect through a great gov- 
ernment, combined with the fact that bad effects are 
often completely neutralized by wholesome forces, 
usually has caused nations to presume that they are 
above moral law. Thus governments have followed 

—37— 



unnatural courses for many decades, and even for cen- 
turies apparently with impunity. For example, while 
our country has prospered under the deleterious effects 
of a so-called protective system, it has done so in 
spite of the "protection" and because of our boundless 
resources in soil, mine and forest. Under such cir- 
cumstances labor has been exceedingly effective toward 
rendering this latent wealth available. We should dis- 
tinguish, here, between the production of wealth and 
the exploitation of that which has been "produced" for 
centuries, perhaps ages. Labor has been at the same 
time relatively scarce. For these reasons the level of 
wages has been comparatively higher in the United 
States than in older and more exhausted countries, and 
"protection" has grabbed this wage argument to use in 
its favor. Other things being equal, a protective tariff 
can only tend to reduce wages. It deranges the flow 
of capital and increases the volume of unhealthy busi- 
ness activity. Owing to the misconceptions with 
regard to it, "protection" has been pushed so vigorous- 
ly that now we are waking as from a happy dream to a 
sad reality. We find that "protection" really meant 
exaction and appropriation of natural resources. These 
are to-day quite well exhausted. Where shall monop- 
oly feed now? There yet remains the life blood of a 
nation. 

Government is that upon which depends the useful- 
ness of all other growths and institutions of civiliza- 
tion. Constructive science has not yet been applied 
in a comprehensive way to its formation and perpetua- 
tion. History impresses us with the fact that in the 
past governments have been built without due respect 
to proportion, consistency, strength of parts, equilibri- 

-38- 



urn of opposing forces. Thus they have been permit- 
ted to grow into shapeless and unstable masses, finally 
to come to dissolution. Then we are ahead by this 
only, that we know something gave way; that there 
was not equilibrium. Should an engineer attempt, in 
this experimental way, to build a cantilever bridge, a 
"skyscraper," an ocean liner, or an electric light plant, 
we should rightly judge him an impractical man, 
attempting the possible in an impossible way. 

Governments should be formed and regulated with 
as great intelligence and care as that which attends 
the construction and regulation of the great steam 
engine in a modern power plant. Here is a work of 
man which must call forth admiration. By a careful 
study and application of the laws of nature, great 
forces are here so perfectly controlled and neutralized 
that there is scarce apparent effort in the free and 
rythmic motion. 

And shall we not say that the highest interest of the 
owners of the plant is that these forces be kept in 
equilibrium? Otherwise a mass of wreckage is the 
result. Who but a novice within the plant would 
remove from its place an essential bolt or bar, however 
it might serve his own personal use. Herein we see 
the reason for the sign, No Admittance, placed above 
the door. This is as much meant for those who do not 
know as for those of sinister purpose. Scarce is there 
a greater source of danger to all concerned than 
ignorance. It alone to its own peril would tamper 
with a cylinder head. And we have men in our coun- 
try who likewise, in governmental affairs, would tam- 
per with a cylinder head, because they have never seen 
one before. The most dangerous form of this ignor- 
ance is that which lags of for special privilege. 

—39— 



Nature is the great book for the study of man. The 
poet has pointed to it from the beginning. That which 
is according to nature is steady, quiet, irresistible. Her 
way is to hold the most tremendous opposing forces 
and tendencies in equilibrium. Little or no effort is 
apparent. One-half the mass of the earth is balanced 
by the other half. The earth itself, held in perfect 
balance under the laws of motion, traces gracefully its 
elliptic orbit. In perfect obedience to these laws the 
tremendous masses of the worlds in space trace out the 
conic sections. One removed, the orbits of all must 
change. Each is controlled by all, and all depend to 
a proportionate extent upon each. This is perfect 
government. 

The problem of government is to find out a natural 
course and to apply it. As I understand it, the failure 
of government in the past has usually been from the 
impracticability of the attempt, where there has been 
an attempt, to hold greed and ambition in check by arti- 
ficial and not by natural means. Competition is greed 
against greed and it strikes a perfect balance. (I men- 
tion greed and not business, because legitimate busi- 
ness will never stifle competition.) Competition seems 
to have a disadvantage in waste, but we are assured of 
its supreme advantage, namely, that it is the only 
means through which a government can long be per- 
petuated, unless it becomes paternal or extremely 
socialistic. I am doubtful of the success of such gov- 
ernments for one reason, their necessary massiveness. 
However plausible a purpose may be, we can only 
accomplish it with our feet upon the ground. To pass 
from private monopoly to extreme massiveness of a 
central government is perhaps to be not any the gainer. 
It seems also that many advocates of such plans of gov- 

—40— 



ernment presume that they can interfere with compe- 
tition. Insofar as they attempt this in any way what- 
ever they will meet with no greater success and will 
no more merit approval than monopolistic control. 
But whether it be a practical or an impractical system, 
nothing will drive us so soon to a test of socialism as 
unbridled monopoly. One extreme calls forth an- 
other to balance it, otherwise the first would sweep 
everything before it. So far as the "waste" of com- 
petition is concerned, we shall always find it piled high 
in private fortunes, to the happiness and welfare of 
no one, for the tendency of such accumulations is to 
do away with the government under which they came 
to be. The perpetuation of government is the great 
issue. 

An artificial way for governments to attempt to con- 
trol monopoly is by statute legislation. The natural 
way is to establish freedom regulated by justice, and 
monopoly falls, and competition is restored, at once. 
Competition is as old as freedom and a co-worker with 
it; monoply is the greatest enemy of both. In the 
absence of this natural course of the part of govern- 
ment, revolution or international war strikes the bal- 
ance. 

But because war has done its work in the past, it is 
not to be accepted as inevitable. The greatness of man 
consists in that he may by choice be a co-worker with 
the Creator. All the forces and materials of nature 
are at the disposal of man, to be used by him as he sees 
fit, with the everlasting proviso, however, that in the 
use of these he must comply with universal law. The 
wisdom and intelligence of man has the privilege to 
obviate war at any time. That war has established 
equilibrium many times in the past is neither more 

—41— 



desirable nor more justifiable, so far as man is con- 
cerned, than the explosion of a steam boiler which 
does the same thing. We do not take the explosion as 
inevitable because it happened. We conclude rightly 
to use better and stronger materials to secure a suffi- 
cient margin of safety. If a bridge falls because of a 
defective member used in its construction, we have no 
reason to believe that all bridges must likewise fall in 
the future. Such only suggests that the laws of nature 
must be complied with. When man shall consent to be 
guided by justice, wisdom, and moderation, he shall be 
able to obviate war. From developments of the past 
we must perceive that we are moving in the right direc- 
tion, but we must at the same time concede that we 
have not reached the goal. Furthermore, with devel- 
opments toward unity of action in the world may come, 
and perhaps have come, insidious developments which, 
if not perceived and met with needful action on the 
part of statesmen, will compromise the work of the 
lover of peace. Modern developments must halt unless 
they may go hand in hand with a high sense of morality 
and personal responsibility in government. 

The statesman relieves himself of many responsibil- 
ities and escapes many undesirable tasks by placing 
expediency before duty. And in this attitude he often 
gives to this word, by implication, a meaning which it 
never did possess. In tariff legislation especially this 
has been a handy word — handy to him who is weak in 
courage and short on resources ; handy for the grafter 
and the mercenary official. Under the helpful tutelage 
of this word our tariff policy has been gradually 
swerved from its original purpose of protecting infant 
industries, and incidentally yielding a revenue, to pro- 

—42— 



tecting a sugar trust, a steel trust, a wool trust. These 
last are no longer infant industries, as legislators and 
other public officials can testify, because of the brutal 
force they use in compelling "expedient" statesman- 
ship. No infant has yet appeared that could use such 
a compelling club as these use. Tariff statesmanship 
has usually found it "expedient" to be dishonest and 
dishonorable in public affairs. 

The statesman who does nothing is doing worse than 
nothing because the need for improvement grows with 
every year. To be equally good with the government 
of a decade ago, that of the present must have been 
improved, for conditions change, and change rapidly. 
While the standpatter cannot help but recognize this 
change in need and condition, his attitude implies that 
there has been no change. An absolute improvement 
must cover the need resulting from changed condi- 
tions and more. 

Statesmen are afraid of the word free-trade, and so 
are people in general, long after much of the cause for 
fear of it has disappeared. Within ten or fifteen years 
there will scarcely be any real reasons to oppose free 
trade. For the sake of office and preferment the am- 
bitious sit cramped in the outgrown tenement of a 
past generation, hoping thus to gain honor through 
the senblance of honor. This is making the purchase 
at a bargain sale, marked-down price. 

Even drastic action upon the tariff would remove 
only a diseased growth from our commercial life. The 
volume of unhealthy industry thus cut away would, so 
far as labor is concerned, be effective only in trans fer^ 
ring poorly-paid laborers from an employment disad- 
vantageous to the country to one more wholesome and 
comfortable to themselves and better for the country 

—43— 



as a whole. The country would do well to take care 
of whatever suffering this might cause. Half the 
twenty-one hundred millions of dollars which manu- 
facturers and monopolists are enabled, through the 
existing tariff, to exact in one year from hard-pressed 
consumers and poorly-paid laborers, would perhaps 
take care of the change.* 

The tariff has been an artificial stimulus to the 
growth of our cities and those interests centering in 
them. As a concomitant result, our rural population 
has been depleted and the interests of the farm have 
been discouraged. It is true that the Department of 
Agriculture, in our general government, has had a 
wholesome effect. But didactics can never stand 
against powerful economic forces which lead irresisti- 
bly in the opposite direction. The statesmanship that 
disregards economic forces shall eventually and always 
prove a failure. The work of the reclamation service 
is also good." But in spite of these the population of 
the farm districts drifts to the cities. Didactics tells 
the young man to stay on the farm ; extraordinary pro- 
tection to manufacturing and commercial industries 
invite him to go and compete for a living in the cities. 
Dazzled by the success of the great magnate, who was 
a farm boy, economic forces control, and he goes to 
the city, as is well proved by the census reports. The 
effects of this system we are now feeling in the high 



*While discussing this point with a gentleman who is locally 
prominent in educational work in the north-west, and for 
whom I have great personal regard, I recall that he asked, 
"But where would this great sum come from?" He readily 
agreed with my suggestion, however, that the fact that this 
question was well founded really furnished no reason why 
we should pay this sum annually without protest instead of 
paying it once with a protest. 

—44— 



cost of living and in other ways. Let commissions at 
home and abroad investigate the tariff and the high 
cost of living. We can better afford to pay them good 
salaries than to commit the blunder of waiting for their 
answer. The answer to these questions has been 
known for ages and scientifically proved for more than 
a century. The investigations of these commissions, 
if honestly and efficiently prosecuted, may be of advan- 
tage to general science ; but we can no longer afford to 
dally with serious conditions. 

We should as soon as possible remove that artificial 
stimulus from the urban class of our industries. We 
may secure double effectiveness for good by placing it 
with the farmer class. A pound removed from the 
heavy arm of balance and placed upon the lighter arm 
has the effectiveness of two pounds toward establish- 
ing equilibrium. Protection can be granted to strug- 
gling industry, and if there is such in the United States 
to-day, it is that of agriculture in its attempt to keep 
pace with the mushroom growth of our overprotected 
city and commercial industries. I hope it will be borne 
in mind that I am considering the interests of the coun- 
try as a whole. So long as the high cost of living is 
with us, the farmer need envy no one his position. 
But, instead of a change for the better, we have seen 
within a few months past the attempt, through reci- 
procity with Canada, to add weight to the already too 
heavy side. This shows us our imminent danger from 
ignorance, led on by greed. Apropos of this, we have 
another instance in the removal of our former chief 
forester, Mr. Gifford Pinchot. So far as I have been 
able to learn, the only cause for his removal was his 
persistence in doing his duty. 

—45— 



People of means can do no more patriotic work 
than, through paying investments, to place people on 
land and to increase its productiveness in any possible 
way. It matters not if the investment brings good re- 
turns, it is a work of patriotism if it increases the pro- 
ductiveness of land. It should never be our attempt 
to discourage business which is conducted along whole- 
some lines. This need never be the work of any man. 
The field of legitimate business is of tremendous pro- 
portions. There is plenty of straightforward work for 
all straightforward men, and such work should reap its 
profit. The idea that business must finally degenerate 
into crookedness and theft grows from the habit of 
mind and moral perversity of him who supposes this 
to be the case. Such a conception of business is nur- 
tured, not by real ability, but by a lack of originality, of 
adaptability, of vision of the coming years. It is best 
exemplified by the case of the chauffeur who did not 
realize that he had failed to notice a turn in the way 
until he found himself among the brambles in the 
ditch. This blindness is the portent of the coming 
years. It is now our only care. 

In such work as we need now we want only that 
philanthropy for which, according to the true defini- 
tion of the word, the poor as well as the rich are quali- 
fied. This word means nothing more than good will 
expressed in sincere and honest effort, and all men are 
qualified for this. And here may I say that the specu- 
lator who tries to increase the price without improving 
or increasing the productiveness of land is lined upon 
the danger side— the unpatriotic side. The land spec- 
ulator in general is on that side. Banks and railroads 
can serve their country, and themselves directly 

—46 — 



(through dividends) and indirectly (through govern- 
mental security) by helping likewise to improve and 
increase the productiveness of land. 

However we may not judge it so, if we do not 
effectually accomplish work along this line, manufac- 
tures and commerce will eventually collapse as would 
a building, the size and massiveness of which has 
been increased beyond what the strength of its mate- 
rials will stand. These are sometimes said to be prob- 
lems for only the plain people, yet there is no class who 
can stand upright in revolution better than they. In 
these things we are dealing with cause and effect, and 
whenever we can rob the cause of its effect, then may 
we hope that our present course shall not produce its 
natural result. 

Cardinal Richelieu had the ability to secure an end 
sought without being able, or willing, to choose the end 
according to wisdom. Part of his policy was to ren- 
der the authority of the French king absolute, his 
method to trample all opposition under foot, and then 
to cover all errors with his scarlet robe, being jointly 
a prelate and a minister of state. We know now that 
his apparent success was a failure. He took not into 
the account the genius of the short little Corsican yet 
unborn. This course was presumptuous. Richelieu 
defied the Christianity he professed. We are unwise 
not to take full account to-day. A false and narrow 
optimism alone can lead on till the last of the lariat is 
drawn. The world would be out of balance were not a 
Bonaparte set against the Richelieus. 

As the ages roll we see that right is practical ; that 
wrong is impractical. In affairs of government this is 

—47— 



far less rarely seen than in personal relations, and 
though not clearly the case in the latter, it is often 
doubted in the former. But if we come to believe that 
governments are above the law, standing by rivers of 
blood amidst the wreckage of a fair country, we shall 
again see the untruth of our belief. All things that set 
at naught the eternal forces of the world are, through 
revolution, evolution, pestilence and war, cast to the 
scrap pile. These are the vice-gerents of justice, of 
mercy, that will not permit free, moral agents to go 
unchecked to destruction. 

The greatest mistake made by governments in the 
past has been a belief, evidenced in action, that there 
is one standard of morals in private and another in 
public conduct. Under governments the large and 
the strong cry for protection against the weak and get 
it. Such is a protected monopoly when it crushes a 
struggling independent industry by methods which 
have been commonly permitted in the United States. 
We notice here that the monopolist who "believes" so 
strongly in protecting native, struggling industry is the 
one who crushes it. In crying for protection the tears 
of monopoly are shed presumably in behalf of the 
laborer, whom it would oppress to the lowest depths. 
The "protection" to the laborer comes through the 
high cost of living and reduction in wages. What 
would we think of the strongest and most ablebodied 
man in a community crying for alms from his neigh- 
bors? What would he be called? Yet this is recog- 
nized and sanctioned under our own government. 

If one were requested to give an example of superb 
ignorance, he could do no better than mention govern- 
ments as they have been run in the past and railroads 
as they are commonly managed at present. The ignor- 

- 4 8- 



ance is not so much in the management of details as in 
the almost absolute lack of correlation with the forces 
that control society. The work of the mechanical or 
of the construction department of a railroad affords 
good examples of applied intelligence. When an engi- 
neer strikes a wheel with his test hammer and the tone 
indicates a fracture, this knowledge leads either to 
repalcement or repair of the defctive part. But to 
many of those in general control such causes lead not 
to such results. If a man's logic may be determined 
from his past actions, the procedure of many of those 
higher up would in this case be to make a collection 
of cracked wheels and put them on the same side. 

When the great Missouri of the northwest, on its 
devious course, glides peacefully toward an upland; 
or when the scenic Hudson rushes on her Palisades, 
shall we suppose they will not turn? Because it has 
been possible to follow a course in the past it does 
not follow that we shall continue in it. Whether we 
shall, depends upon the force of circumstances that 
arise as time goes on. The boatman on the river does 
not wreck or strand a boat at every turn of the stream 
in order to be assured that there is a turning point. 
He need look only toward the bank, or, in lieu of this 
extremely simple way to avoid danger, he may observe 
and follow the course of the blind and senseless water 
which never disobeys law or necessity. Water may 
rush and grind against the granite or the hill, but this 
indicates only that it has come to a turning point in its 
course. No more than can the river defy its banks 
can man disregard fundamental law. When by a 
statute which complies with such law the people of 
our country have attempted to establish the peace and 
security which come from abiding by law, some flatter 

—49— 



themselves that this statute is only a trifle to be cast 
aside, it will be found that this is not the case. It 
shall be executed. The executive department of our 
government can do this. If it does not, necessity is 
not suspended. Infraction of law is not permitted 
except that one take the punishment therefor. Ac- 
cording to the attitude we take toward it, the punish- 
ment destroys or reforms. Either is execution of the 
law. Infraction of law comes from ignorance. Under 
punishment, wisdom grows apace. 

Why do men adopt such illogical courses of pro- 
cedure? Why do we see the general of dividends, for 
example, driving his army of workers before the bayo- 
net while he professes to be a follower of the lowly 
Nazarene ? It is because of the blindness which gradu- 
ally darkens a man's life as greed takes a firmer and 
firmer hold upon him. What is the reward? 

Never has greed been known to contribute to the 
real happiness of mankind. In a finely appointed 
mansion, amidst luxurious surroundings, and upon a 
downy pillow, greed permits its votary to lay down 
a weary body in the attempt to rest a discontented 
mind and restore a starved soul. It turns him from 
a sincere belief in the Bible, in which he finds only 
anathemas hurled against his chosen course; it turns 
him from poetry, where he finds that by the whole 
race of poets he is tabooed; it renders him an alien 
to the artist, and enemy to the laborer. It permits him 
to sit at a table filled with delicacies, with indigestion 
as companion. It opens to him the door of the sani- 
tarium and closes to him the pathway to the free en- 
joyment of nature; it hands to him premature death, 
morally and physically, along with the husks of life. 
With his moral sense and half his mental sense de- 

—50— 



capitated by past environment, the minion of greed 
presses blindly on, against the admonition of wisdom, 
prudence and moderation. 

Greed has a remarkable logic and wonderful ethics. 
It advises its adherents to teach others that black is 
white; that to steal is gentlemanly; to labor, degrad- 
ing; that to lie is honorable; that Christianity is fool- 
ishness. It advises its followers to cry out, parrot- 
like, "unconstitutional" when saner people advise that 
they walk not into the fire ; it bears ever a false garb of 
religion and patriotism, and ever assumes an apparent 
love for learning and art. 

To suppose that with impunity there can be infrac- 
tion of law is to imply that anarchy reigns in the uni- 
verse of which our country bears no greater distinc- 
tion than that of being a microscopic point. This 
means no discredit to my country, but I consider that 
its greatness consists in recognizing these things and 
in following out the purposes of God. What to me is 
of infinitely great proportions is that ignorance and 
presumption that would here try to set aside the spirit 
of universal law. 

It is not to be feared that we can stay the tide of 
progress ; that we 

can turn the stream of destiny, 



Or break the chain of strong necessity, 
That fast is tyde to Jove's eternal seat." 

The danger lies in the punishment which we shall 
deserve, and which we shall get, if we try to stay the 
tide. 

Civilization is always lapsing when it would place 

—51— 



the works and tools of man above man himself. Stat- 
utes, constitutions, institutions, are to serve the con- 
venience and welfare of man in society, and one of 
their first requirements for usefulness is that they keep 
abreast of his progress. No wiser provision was 
placed in our Federal Constitution than that which 
delegates to the people the right to change it. Inso- 
much as a constitution deals with details it must admit 
of change. For this reason the contention is justified 
that such instruments should not deal too much with 
details. If a constitution deals only with principles 
such as are set forth in the preamble to our own 
organic federal law, it may never need to be changed. 
Some principles are unchanged in their force, while 
nations and worlds rise to maturity and pass to decay. 
Not to admit of change a constitution would neces- 
sarily be very short and of tremendously wide applica- 
tion. A perfect constitution would be any accepted 
principles which would secure the reign of morality 
and decency in government. 

The common people directly, and through the lead- 
ership of great men, who are their direct representa- 
tives, have fought for, and have legally established our 
fundamental guarantees. To every straightforward 
citizen these are dear, but the fossilized details must 
be cast aside, while as time goes on new growths must 
appear. Special privilege has, of course, always 
opposed the legal establishment of the natural rights 
of man. At present it would play upon the people's 
reverence for these in its attempt to block the wheels 
of progress. The standpatters hang back, presum- 
ably in defense of principles which need no defense 
before an x intelligent people ; the true progressive 
attempts to bring the details of our Constitution into 

—52— 



accord with modern requirements. Therefore such a 
one is working in the interest of every citizen of the 
republic, regardless of party or class. The funda- 
mental guarantees of our federal instrument are the 
greatest, in fact the only, argument for change of its 
details. In lieu of change of details we may invoke 
these. We have the precedent. The Union was pre- 
served in the sixties by invoking one clause of the pre- 
amble, to form a more perfect union. Lincoln, hold- 
ing that "the intention of the law-giver is the law," 
vitalized the preamble to the Constitution of the United 
States. This gives us the precedent to invoke the 
general welfare clause. Monopoly is contrary to three 
clauses in the preamble, namely, to establish justice, 
to promote the general welfare, and to secure the bless- 
ings of liberty to ourselves and our posterity. 

To all who recognize that their interests are one with 
their country's interests, we perceive that a basis for 
harmony may be found in a clearly defined idea of the 
meaning of the word freedom. But special privilege 
will find no satisfaction in this. Those who desire it 
must choose a course which is at once opposed to 
Christianity, evolution and patriotism. The word lib- 
erty is a relative term. Its meaning as applied to the 
condition of people under popular governments varies 
with the increase of population and with the advance- 
ment of the society toward greater complexity. The 
individual liberty of each citizen never extends further 
than to the like rights of others where it is either neu- 
tralized or compromised. But for these concessions 
there is abundant compensation in the privileges of 
intercourse and co-operation in society. In a small, 
isolated community these limits might be quite evident, 
but where, as in our own country, perfection of inter- 

—53— 



course and communication have become so highly 
developed, the intricacies of these relations become 
almost beyond comprehension. Yet let us walk firmly 
and confidently here. Morality and decency always 
stand with a ready solution. We may turn from them 
and hasten to search for a solution among the musty, 
secular records of the past, but the great minds we 
there consult will point again to that from which we 
have just turned away. When the man in Maine 
becomes as a neighbor to the man in California the 
problem is solved. Necessity has led our people in 
the way of such remarkable mechanical development 
that interchange and communication have become 
highly perfected. With the coming of these develop- 
ments must pass away the idea that he who deals with 
the great public has no duty toward it. So long as we 
call these ideas impractical we may be sure that we are 
drifting toward that school where their truth shall be 
driven home with merciless severity. 

I have seen at a store (in the east) an exhibit of 
eggs in which the lowest grade was marked "Fresh 
eggs," "Strictly fresh" the next grade above, and so on. 
Probably a good proportion of the lowest grade, 
"Fresh eggs," was stale or rotten. Commercialism 
would thus stretch the English language till it rips to 
turn pennies into the money box. The shoe manufac- 
turer has absolutely no more right to sell shoes with 
pasteboard in the soles to some faraway and unknown 
customer than he would have to sell them to a near 
and confidential friend. The word shoe is not defined 
as of such material ; custom does not recognize it as of 
such composition. A manufacturer has absolutely no 
right to sell poison in food, because poison is not food. 
A man has no right to lie unless by branding himself a 

—54— 



liar he forego the right he possesses to the confidence 
of his fellow men. To sit in millionaire row behind a 
brown-stone front is poor pay for such "service" to 
society. The spirit upon which such business methods 
are founded does not function in a complex society. 
It is a broken pinion which renders the whole mechan- 
ism useless. It is the parasite that would live upon 
the life-blood of others. 

These are not questions of constitutionality. Every 
man knows the right or wrong of them. The wrong- 
doer wants nothing more than the license of delay 
which comes from the impracticable expedient of try- 
ing to regulate such things specically by a constitution. 
If we would flounder in deep water, while yet we are 
determined that we will not swim, let us try so clearly 
to define in a set constitution the ever-varying status of 
our rights that we may dispense with the necessity for 
personal responsibility and a sense of duty on the part 
of those to whom power and authority are delegated. 
I believe that the standards of morality are higher 
among the commonalty than among the seekers after 
special privilege. Let us try to get an expression of 
these higher standards in our government. For a 
working basis a balance on the side of right and ideal- 
ism is sufficient. 

Special privilege would arrogate to itself all that is 
noble and worthy, unmindful that such distinctions 
cling to those who forget them. We are great or 
deserving because we are so, not because we proclaim 
ourselves so. Let it be borne in mind that true great- 
ness comes from discipline, which, with other refine- 
ments, brings a humility and simplicity that help to 
bear the honors and burdens which also accompany it. 
But it brings no emasculation. Real greatness is ever 

—55— 



ready to serve. But the littleness that says, "I am 
great," would be served without rendering service until 
nature, through evolution, withdraw every hope and 
every vestige of all that is worth while in life. No 
"royal road" can be found to the great ends which are 
so much desired and sought for in this world. 

In society we must agree to forego certain rights in 
order that we may gain the privileges and advantage of 
social intercourse. All great business operations owe 
the possibility of their existence to intercourse in 
society as it is, and to the protection which society gives 
them. Those who are willing to reap the benefits thus 
obtained, without rendering their return by helping to 
support the good government, morality and decency 
which have rendered their success possible, are both 
blind and unworthy of intercourse in society. Then 
how does it appear when the business corporation 
sends its agent to lobby against good government which 
is the foundation of society? Who will be so blind as 
to say that such are more deserving than a Benedict 
Arnold ? 

The chasm of uncertainties before us will be bridged 
by statesmanship or revolution. It can be done on a 
working basis through statesmanship. If patriotism 
lights the way of those to whom the authority is dele- 
gated, quiet statesmanship will lead us through the 
crisis ; but if those to whom the ship of state must look 
for guidance in peace, permit the black purposes of 
greed to smother patriotism, they at the same time, 
and by that very attitude, call revolution again to the 
scene of history. The issue is clearly drawn. Peace 
and prosperity follow in the wake of patriotic states- 
manship; revolution waits upon the greedy and 
degraded politician. 

-56- 



The self-sacrifices of the past and the destinies of 
the future meet where we stand to-day. We cannot 
block progress, but we can avoid being crushed. Ours 
is no work for the man of beclouded understanding. 
The call of the present is for the man with a clear 
vision and a strong, warm heart; for the lover of 
humanity and justice. 

What we must have in this work is men. If a man 
be first and always a man, then a preacher, a farmer, a 
general laborer, a lawyer, a doctor, he shall be ever 
useful and an inspiration to all with whom he may 
come in contact. The lawyer who, instead of being 
master of the law is mastered by it, can never be a 
statesman. Blackstone was not mastered by the law. 
Had we the honor to claim him as a contemporary, we 
know he would now be of great service. The people 
cannot afford to place at the helm of government the 
man who, instead of being master of his work, is mas- 
tered by it. 

Those young men who are looking forward to work 
in our national and state governments should know 
that unless there be the stamina to stand for the right, 
only dishonor shall be found. Right has its great 
reward, but it is never chosen by the weak. 

If corporation lawyers should decide to be men first 
and always, their camp would soon bear a near resem- 
blance to the original Deserted Village. Corporations 
per se are not bad, but there are so many thug corpor- 
ations that their henchmen constitute the majority of 
corporation lawyers. What may be truly said against 
corporations is not because they are large or powerful, 
but because they are powerful without effective respon- 
sibility. 

Legal technicality and precedent are as a forest 

—57— 



under cover of which depredations are being commit- 
ted upon society. Within its shadows justice is bought 
and sold. It beclouds the mind of the conscientious 
lawyer or jurist, and forms a dark barricade behind 
which the unscrupulous may pursue his sinister pur- 
poses. 

We know that in many cases justice is really and 
virtually bought and sold. The purchase and sale of 
justice brings insecurity of person and property. 
Those who have studied history know to what insecur- 
ity of person and property lead. The lawyer or judge 
who aids, or has aided, in the miscarriage of justice is, 
proportionate to his influence, responsible for this con- 
dition. 

We are in need of a modern Justinian — a man whose 
vision, undimmed by this shadowy forest, shall enable 
him to cast away the rubbish, and to preserve only 
that which is yet animated by usefulness. The law is 
a tool. Man was not made to afford a field for law, 
but laws are made for his service and welfare. 

Progress has no surer friend than enlightenment. 
The aim of education should be to connect enlighten- 
ment with the facts and experiences of life; its true 
ideal is that the soul and mind of man jointly know, 
and that the body be able and willing to do. To be 
able is virtue; to be willing is humility. It matters 
not if it be through the work of the artist as painter, 
sculptor, musician or writer ; or through that of the 
teacher, the artisan, the laborer in general or the busi- 
ness man ; he who becomes the instrument of the best 
that is in him is the true nobleman. Upon such the 
word noble sits without a meaning full of irony. 
Herein he joins hand with the Infinite and therefore 
stands as the real representative of noble blood. 

-58- 



Anything in our educational systems that tends, 
directly or indirectly, to detract from the dignity of 
labor is pernicious in its effects. But there are those 
who would here hasten to take an imaginary advan- 
tage; those, for example, who believe, It is good to eat, 
therefore gorge; oats is good for a horse, therefore 
turn him to the bin. To such I would say, moderation 
is good also ; perhaps there is nothing better as a guide 
in the affairs of life. Too much labor is degrading, 
but it is none the less so than too little. Inasmuch as 
it is good for one to work, it is good for all to do so ; 
and if each do his part then none shall have to do too 
much. Then the sallow, nervous little hands that 
degenerate in toil in stuffy factories in order that others 
may degenerate in idleness, would come to the bless- 
ings of enjoyment in God's word. While greed has 
dragged one class of our society to degeneracy from 
too much wealth, it has cast back another into degen- 
eracy from too much labor. One class presents no 
greater problem to our society than the other. They 
are concomitants existing, one because of the other. 
I state as a fact that happiness or contentment is not 
with either extreme. Those people whose eyes are 
freed from the scales of custom and tradition would 
not choose, with their necessary accompaniments, one 
extreme above the other. All that is worth while 
grows and thrives between. 

Education has no greater field of usefulness than in 
helping to displace distorted ideas of value by true ones. 
In false valuations is found, perhaps, the most prolific 
source of evils, social and governmental. 

The corruptionist judge, lawyer, business man, or 
politician believes that his work is really more dignified 
than many other classes of employment. He argues : 

—59- 



"Were I reduced in rank, what could I do? What 
would people think?" If all honest effort were equally 
esteemed this would not be the case. Consequently 
it is deemed wiser to overstep the truth than to lose 
the job. Thus a common false pride comes to be the 
door of corruption. Human beings should not be too 
hard on human nature. But when such false ideals, 
followed in a haze of darkness, come to mean whole- 
sale destruction to the interests of all, the issue requires 
that we face the fact that the corruptionist, wherever 
he may be, is a coward. He has turned his back on 
truth and bowed to false pride. It is a privilege, more, 
the duty, of every free-born man to fight these insid- 
ious enemies of national liberty and decency. That 
their shadowy forms do not apear to the many explains 
why they exist at all. 

The soul of man is his guiding star. The mind 
deals with things nearer at hand. The soul is in direct 
contact with the hand that rules the universe ; the mind 
is local and subordinate. It is, so far as we can see 
and know, impossible for the innermost feelings of our 
nature to be wrong ; but the mind separated from these 
flounders in chaos. 

In this connection is sometimes mentioned as nega- 
tive evidence the heathen mother, who, as a religious 
fanatic sacrifices the life of her child. This shows 
only the perversive power of custom or tradition, but 
is worthy of consideration here. Such is the true jug- 
gernaut, which only a few specially gifted men — or 
rather open-minded men — can see in its true light. 
Except as a perversion such instances are not found in 
nature. We look in vain for such a mother among 
human beings, unless, indeed, her soul has been thrust 

— 60 — 



through by the dagger of slavery or abject poverty, 
which is the same. That evolution would not allow 
the persistence of those who practice a destruction of 
the young is as evident as that a straight line is the 
shortest distance between two points. Just in propor- 
tion as such a custom gains acceptance, would nature 
tend to the elimination of its blinded adherents from 
the face of the earth. 

Education should inculcate that the Golden Rule is 
an ideal of efficiency and practicality in life, in busi- 
ness and in the conduct of governmental affairs. 
While an ideal is an end or limit toward which we may 
approach, success consists in advancement toward it, 
failure in receding from it. However, it is the real 
interest of all to abide by the Golden Rule, the crook 
and the thief think it their interest to overstep it, and 
consequently do so. War and revolution come from 
disrespect for such ideals. It is one thing to talk 
peace, it is another to persist stubbornly in that course 
which has never failed to bring war. Such is to pro- 
claim righteousness in high places, while we hold to sin 
in the ordinary affairs of life. 

The destructive force of the absence of worthy pur- 
pose may be noted also in the career of him who 
believes that "Business is business," whatever that may 
mean. How he who originated this meaningless sen- 
tence must have flattered himself upon having built an 
impregnable barricade behind which the moral code 
should become null and void! But yet it was not so. 
Security in property is founded on a general respect 
for rights in property. But those who put their 
dependence in property above everything else are 
guilty of the glaring inconsistency of attacking the 
rights of property. I refer to those who, in the serv- 

— 61— 



ice of material interests, rinding Christianity and mor- 
ality a burden, cast them aside and steal if they can do 
it by a long and circuitous method, in a "gentlemanly" 
or "respectable" way. That man is unworthy of lead- 
ership who seeks wealth, fame or power, while he has 
determined that he will not pay the price for what he 
seeks. A part of the price turned down by men of 
high aim, but small caliber, is simplicity, sincerity, a 
willingness to do that which, however necessary and 
right, is marked as commonplace and beneath the dig- 
nity of one who is, or is to be, a big gun. Sir Walter 
Scott said : 

"Oh, what a tangled web we zveave 
When first we practice to deceive !" 

And here, again, we have an example of the inexhaust- 
ibility of nature in the execution of her plans. First 
come religion, justice, prudence, advising moderation. 
If these fail, she sends an executioner of her purposes, 
the story of the work of which appears on every page 
of history. Those who misuse wealth and power, the 
two great objects of greed, we soon find amidst the 
blackened ruins of the object of their desire. While 
those who use these as they should be used, to further 
worthy purposes, find rightly that there is no end to 
their power and influence. Man never finds himself 
great until he is a co-worker with divine power. Sub- 
mission to God is the dignity of man. This is the con- 
dition for the grant of real power. Here the law of 
stability or compensation reveals to us another appar- 
ent contradiction that the humble and the submissive 
are the powerful. This, of course, implies insubordi- 
nation to contrary forces. 

Watch the policies of him who is thoroughly con- 

—62— 



vinced that business is business. You will see them at 
first, perhaps, bear the glaring letters SUCCESS, 
but after a few years this sign in the natural course of 
things grows dim and indistinct through a process of 
change, and finally reappears in the unmistakable let- 
ters FAILURE. 

There are many misconceptions as to the importance 
of money. The grossest of these is suggested by the 
expression, almighty dollar. The extreme irony of 
this phrase is seen when money sets itself against the 
natural rights of man. Respect for these rights is 
identical with good government, and inasmuch as 
money is able to defeat these, it undermines good gov- 
ernment, thereby destroying, in a proportionate meas- 
ure, its own value. All our country's claims to great- 
ness in the past have come from respect for these 
rights. These rights are well defined in the Declara- 
tion of Independence and implied in the Preamble to 
the Constitution of the United States. Disrespect for 
them lies at the bottom of the high cost of living in 
Europe and in America, and causes thrones and gov- 
ernments to totter to-day. 

Money is only a standard of value or a representa- 
tive of wealth. It must be borne in mind, therefore, 
that in proportion as all who are in the race for it attain 
their aim, it depreciates in value, compromising the 
struggle. For it is evident that if each had all the money 
he might need or want no one would exchange for it 
anything of value or labor to secure it. In other words, 
under such circumstances, money would have no value 
except that of its usefulness as a metal or as a bit of 
paper. Then where would value be? We are not to 
suppose from this that it would be non-existent. 

-63- 



Value would be found in the power to produce by 
labor those things which are useful and necessary to 
the existence and welfare of mankind. This includes, 
of course, things of beauty and inspiration since the 
physical needs of man are no more deserving of atten- 
tion than the mental and moral. When traced to its 
ultimate source, value comes to be almost identical in 
meaning with that of the old Roman word for virtue; 
namely, active quality of power; property capable of 
producing certain effects ; strength, force, efficiency. 

Down in the bedrock of practicality, virtue is 
national wealth. In the solemn records of the past we 
find that the Roman Empire was once for sale — virtue 
the consideration — and it went to the Barbarians. The 
controlling forces of the Empire, of course, thought 
that the consideration was armies, navies, wealth, 
craft. The same blind and beaten trail is open to us 
to-day. The Barbarians were not overburdened with 
virtue, but their stock in muscle, brawn, in a rugged 
respect for morality and dedency was greater than that 
which vitalized the massive body of the great decaying 
Empire. We should be as learners before such deci- 
sions of the Infinite. 

As in diseases of the physical body nature attempts 
to restore a normal and healthy condition, so does she 
in the case of social disorders. It will be well here to 
consider how she works to diminish the accentuated 
difference between the condition of the very rich and 
the very poor. 

Two factors which are beyond the control of our 
government tend to disentegrate large fortunes as well 
as smaller ones. 

I. The possession of much wealth removes the 

— 64 — 



motive of the struggle for existence. This being 
absent, only the exceptional individual will engage 
himself in any wholesome employment. The degen- 
eracy which natural law, or evolution, inflicts as a pun- 
ishment for idleness ; and that force, destructive of the 
mental, moral and physical qualities of the owner, 
which is rendered active by the unwise dissipation of 
wealth, both tend strongly, if not irresistibly, to the 
elimination from society of the possessors of great 
wealth. On the other hand, the poor man and those 
who constitute the poorer class, free from these evo- 
lutionary handicaps (not by their own will, however, 
but free just the same,) are by the same force of nat- 
ural selection continually and irresistibly drawn toward 
leadership and influence in society. The poor boy is 
usually the influential man of the future ; but the sword 
of an Alexander or a Charlemagne falls from the 
weaker hands of his descendants. Environment con- 
trols all ordinary individuals and thus evolution brings 
these things about. Here we may note that real self- 
interest prompts to moderation in the accumulation of 
wealth, as in all other things. 

II. Division among descendants will tend to the 
disintegration of great fortunes. While to have few 
descendants would tend to hold the fortune intact, it at 
the same time tends to the extinction of the line. 
Mere persistence requires a considerable margin. 
Besides the natural resources which alone have made 
possible the greatest fortunes in our country are, to 
say the least, no longer in profusion. The tariff would 
never have been permitted these many years past had 
not the burden of its rapacious system been borne, to 
a great extent, by appropriation of these resources. 

The evolutionary regulations before mentioned are 

—65— 



beyond the reach of men or nations. They suggest to 
us what is part of the price paid for the use and enjoy- 
ment of wealth. We must bear in mind always that 
everything is purchased with a price, and as to 
whether we are any ahead by the exchange depends 
upon the comparison between the purchase price and 
the value of what is purchased. It is very probable 
also, as might be inferred from the foregoing, that 
after the collectors of these great fortunes have passed 
away there never again will be among their descend- 
ants such combination of aptitude and opportunity, 
though men of equal power will appear outside as com- 
petitors for the wealth of the descendants. 

I claim that a man's belief determines his actions. 
If the eye tells a man there is a brick wall or a tree in 
front of him he believes and turns aside. If, in passing 
on, he should find that the eye had deceived him, then 
belief in it would be shaken and its next intimation he 
would question. Inasmuch as so-called belief is inef- 
fective upon the lives and actions of men, it is really 
disbelief. There is no better way to judge of the 
classification of a thing than by the fruit it bears. 
Shall we believe the conventionalist when he tells us 
that the orange lying upon the table grew upon an 
apple tree? Such claims are set forth by those who 
consider truth a hindrance, because they have chosen a, 
wrong ideal which leads them in an unworthy course, 
neither of which they are willing to change.. 

Do we believe that truth and virtue are all-powerful 
and eternal? 

Do we believe that vice is the principal agent of its 
own destruction? 

Do we believe the poet when he says : 

—66— 



"Truth crushed to earth shall rise again, 
The eternal years of God are hers, 
While Error, wounded, writhes in pain, 
And dies among his worshipers"? 

Do we believe in the teaching of Jesus Christ? 

These are eternally true, yet regardless of what we 
profess, our actions show that many of us believe dif- 
ferently. 

Why have some come to disbelieve? Faith is a pri- 
mordial tendency in human nature. The cause lies 
in an attempt to depend upon mere intelligence, not 
knowing how far it may be trusted. A Newton, a 
Kelvin, a Spencer, a Darwin, a Bacon, never made such 
mistake. The further they passed into the unknown 
the more firmly they held the brake, the less they found 
they knew, the greater their reverence, and finally we 
see them bowed before the Infinite. 

But to come again to the question : Where does infi- 
delity originate? Not being a natural tendency of 
human nature, if it come to predominate in our nation, 
we shall again depart from it, but through what suffer- 
ing and bloodshed, anarchy and darkness, we know not 
now. Men who are ever busily engaged in the service 
of material interests, watch the progress of something 
that is known to be wrong, for fifteen, twenty-five, or 
perhaps for fifty years, and, to them, it seems to be 
gaining ground. But here unseen opposing forces are 
gaining with equal and steady progress, and the clash 
has not yet come; thus the evidence is misjudged. 
Some wrongs, to be righted, require only to be brought 
to notice ; some require the making and execution of a 
good statute; but others have, in the past, required a 

-6 7 - 



titanic struggle such as the French Revolution, or our 
own Civil War, or the American Revolution. 

The people of the United States have come to a 
parting of the ways. Let us stop and notice the sign- 
board. Take the one way the rivers of our country 
shall bear a crimson tide, and the March from Atlanta 
to the Sea shall find a dozen counterparts. The other 
way is that of wisdom, moderation, justice, freedom, 
Christianity, and leads to peace, true prosperity, and 
the highest happiness of all the citizens of our land. 
Man's greatness consists in his power to choose his 
own course, but with volition also comes the fiat : // 
thou wouldst choose, thou must bear with thy choice. 

As well would we walk the surface of the earth to 
find a place where gravitation is inactive as to search 
for that wrong which bears not its penalty. Thus is 
universal stability secured. It is not our care that the 
laws of the great Governor of the universe shall 
remain unexecuted; it is a privilege granted us that 
we may find shelter, by ourselves helping to execute 
these laws. The only care of humanity need be to 
remain under the protection of the Creator of alt 
things. We need not tender our help, but humbly ask 
the privilege of service. 

A man who does the best he can, can face his mis- 
takes, acknowledge them, and continue his course. 
But he who willfully and habitually does wrong may 
spend the remainder of his life trying to cover up the 
wrong, and make even a failure of that. If wrong 
could lie open, this would not be so. The wrong act 
must be covered, and the cover must be covered and 
guarded and so on ad infinitum, giving no chance for 
better employment. And here, too, is where govern- 
ments run on the rocks, trying to cover up wrongs, or 

—68— 



to clothe them with the appearance of right. Herein 
is any wrong-doer outgeneraled. By the first wrong 
act the attention must be devided between covering the 
past, taking care of the present and planning the 
future. Truth and right find help and support from 
lying open for inspection. The straightforward man 
must take care of the present and the future ; the crook 
must divide his forces, taking care of the front, the 
flanks and the rear. This is the reason why with equal 
resources the man in the right is many times the 
stronger. But there is really no comparison in strength. 
The truth that is open to inspection will ever recruit 
the ranks of the one, while falsehood along the track 
of the other will deplete his forces. The one has a 
consciousness of right which ennobles ; the other has a 
consciousness of wrong which makes him, in all real 
tests, a coward. 

In observing further results of compensation we 
may consider any free human being. Just as lines 
may radiate in any direction from a point, he has a 
choice of all possible courses. A course by which a 
man would be at once physically eliminated is a pos- 
sible course. 

It is a matter of common observation that certain 
courses may be followed till opposing forces come to be 
so great an obstacle that it is only economy of time and 
energy to discontinue them. It is not at all uncom- 
mon — I must say that it is, in fact, most common — to 
see men attempting one thing and unconsciously suc- 
ceeding in doing the opposite. The boatman who rows 
up-stream at the rate of three miles an hour against 
a five-mile current is going down-stream at the rate of 
two miles an hour. If it is his purpose to go up 
stream, he is going in opposition to it; if to go down 

— 69 — 



stream, by rowing in that direction at the same rate 
and with the same current, he will go four times as 
fast. All wrong done, while it does not serve the real 
happiness or welfare of the wrong-doer, is an exam- 
ple which may save others from a similar course ; while 
he who does the right as nearly as he can is an encour- 
agement and a great material aid to others, at the same 
time meriting his own approval. 

There is a course in which even those things which 
are judged to be of the greatest disadvantage are trans- 
muted as if by magic into the most evident advantage. 
In view of this let us look at greed and generosity. 
Exchanges of good for good, of value for value, are 
legitimate and not to be feared or condemned in the 
least. But greed, in that proportion in which it takes 
hold upon a man's actions, leads from exchanges of 
value for value ultimately to the attempt to get some- 
thing for nothing. Against this nature sets herself 
with all the forces at her command. In society, if a 
man is content with equal exchanges (this, of course, 
includes pay for intelligence, labor, etc.,) he is marked 
and recognized as a good citizen. Let greed drag him 
in slight degree from this position, he becomes a cheat ; 
further, he becomes recognized as a crook; further 
still, he is looked upon with detest or commiseration; 
and finally he must wall himself within a great stone 
castle and virtually, if not really, look forth from 
behind prison bars. This end can be arrived at only 
by paring away or deadening all those higher qualities 
of one's nature which culminate in a love for human- 
ity. Some classes of business require that this paring 
or deadening of the higher sensibilities go on continu- 
ously. Yet there is an immeasurable field for busi- 
ness in which the moral sense would be quickened, 

—70— 



nourished and elevated. The propensity of the man 
determines which he shall choose. Those in the legiti- 
mate field are leaders ; the others are parasites. 

Vice leads men into a labyrinth from which they 
must either retreat or there flounder and die; while 
along the pathway of right, the rose, upon its thorn, 
sheds its beauty and fragrance, and the birds sing for 
the passer-by. Nor can governments act, with impu- 
nity, according to other moral standards than those 
which apply to individual action. 

It is needless to say that the course of generosity is 
ever onward and upward. Though the higher quali- 
ties of man have at times been forced to shine through 
prison walls and even death itself, the prison thereby 
becomes a shrine and the Calvary a beloved spot upon 
the earth. 

It is far better to know the impossible than to mis- 
spend a lifetime in trying to accomplish it. 

The railroad magnate who considers the interests of 
the people along his line as one thing, and his own as 
distinctly another; who attempts to squeeze from the 
farmer, the stockman, and the manufacturer every 
penny that the "traffic will stand," caeteris paribus, 
will some day find his trains shorter and shortening, 
while the empty and half -filled cars that remain will 
rattle over an ill-kept roadbed, and to end the matter, 
decreased dividends will call for an accounting and the 
receiver. 

But there is a railroad man in the Northwest who, 
whatever other failings he may have, has a grasp and 
intelligence beyond this. His common sense and prac- 
ticality tell him that the success of the Great Northern 
is one with the success and development of the broad 
and fertile country that lies contingent to it. An 

—71— 



inspiration akin to the genius which helped him to 
build a great system tells him that his interest is virtu- 
ally one with the man who fills his cars with freight. 
Following out this idea, he works with, and not against, 
the generality of the people within the scope of his in- 
fluence. This way of working together is what I call 
practicality. No more can be said against such a mil- 
lionaire than can be said against many poor men. But 
Mr. James J. Hill's method is no more to be applauded 
than his chosen course, which is to increase the pro- 
ductiveness of our country. This is the most effective 
kind of patriotic work that can be done to-day. 

This man of millions has said things that the people 
of this country should treasure. For example : "The 
farm is the basis of all industry, but for many years 
this country has made the mistake of unduly assisting 
manufactures, commerce and the activities that center 
in cities at the expense of the farm." 

The stock waterer finds at first, perhaps, that his 
issues are in great demand, but finally, unless his 
schemes are counteracted by some wholesome eco- 
nomic force, he finds that in spite of gifts to churches 
and causes of education — which gifts really tend as 
much to suppress his system as to advance it — all 
expedients fail. 

The genius of Napoleon Bonaparte was for a time 
the instrument of divine power, but later it became 
something distinct from this, and we have Waterloo. 
This man was a strange mixture of greatness and lit- 
tleness ; he never failed to meet the enemy on its own 
ground, but always with the resourcefulness of genius. 
At St. Helena he gives evidence that he understood 
his course previous to the passage of the Pyrenees, 

—72— 



and to the campaign into Russia to have been that of 
an agent or instrument. 

A great deal is said of "race suicide," which obtains 
especially in a certain class of our society. From a 
standpoint of humanity it is to be deplored. It is, 
however, a patent fact that the family of no children is 
passing to extinction. This may be true even in case 
of a family of one or more children. Here nature 
again asserts her control. The "first" families become 
the last families. The Bible and natural selection join 
to say that the first shall be last, and the last first. We 
are beginning to see plainly the verification of the reli- 
gion of Jesus Christ. Faith, experience and science 
lead to the same. Those who accept luxury and the 
dollar as their gods pass between Scylla and Charybdis 
with a second whirlpool in front. Without descend- 
ants their line will soon become extinct. With a 
numerous progeny great fortunes would become disin- 
tegrated ; and while this would lead to a representation 
in the republic and to perpetuation of the family, it 
would, on the other hand, submerge the descendants in 
the great sea of common humanity, and thus would be 
lost that distinction, "better class," which some of the 
rich assume. This is the natural or evolutionary way 
in which a bad condition is met and mastered by 
nature. It is the "duty of humanity to give sympathy 
and aid to help to avoid such bad conditions. But 
when preaching and religion fail the natural course 
of things takes care in its own way in which we have 
no part and no choice. 

Many social workers and philanthropists deal, not 
with the causes of bad conditions, but with the symp- 
toms of them. For example, the causes of corruption 
among government officials, of the high cost of living, 

—73— 



of white slavery and of the prevalence of divorce, if 
traced back we find finally to merge into one general 
cause. Some do not distinguish between gen- 
eral causes and the more specific results of them. 
Others see that if they get at the vital cause they touch 
upon their own life and actions, thus bringing reform 
too near home; as, for example, the philanthropist 
who owes his position of affluence to tariff exploita- 
tion, to dividends from watered stock, to a monopoly 
of some natural resource or of some necessary article. 
If he is a canny reformer, as most of such are, he will 
always avoid the vital trouble. 

To gain tremendously by most disgraceful means 
and then to give back a part, seems to be driving a 
sharp bargain with Providence. The magnitude of 
such deals blinds people for a time, but they soon 
come to a true judgment of them. 

Land must not be, and cannot be, so used as to es- 
tablish a classification of slaves in society. Of course, 
this may be done for a time, unjustly, but the condi- 
tion cannot long be maintained. 

The same that is said of the uses of land may be 
said of the uses of other natural resources. 

A machine is invented which, with one operator, 
does the work of thirty men. Twenty-nine men are 
thrown out of employment. They compete for work 
elsewhere, reducing wages by so much. Thus we have 
the anomaly: increased productive power attended by 
an increase of poverty. What is the cause of this? 
The cause lies solely in the ownership of the ma- 
chine. So long as socially valuable machinery is pri- 
vately owned, just so long will increase in production 
be attended by increase in poverty. 

—74— 



Disregard of justice in respect to the above tends 
toward social stagnation and corruption in all of its 
many forms. 

Let us bear in mind that possession of inventions 
and of natural resources is gained almost invariably 
through cunning and legalized trickery, and not as a 
result of thrift, economy and industry. 

If we as a nation forget justice and honor in dealing 
with vital questions, then peace cannot be maintained. 
Marble peace palaces, august peace conferences, learn- 
ed discourses by pampered flunkies who know just 
what they want, but not how much they want, these 
will not figure largely in any real peace movement. 

One hundred years ago genius, leading tremendous 
armies against greater ones, convulsed Europe with the 
most terrible battles of modern times and brought to 
bay that blatant falsehood, the divine right of kings. 

Fifty years ago the fair face of our country was 
scourged by perhaps the most terrible civil war in 
history. War is nature's way to overrule man's un- 
wisdom and haughtiness of spirit. We cannot love it, 
but if man will not bow the knee to wisdom, then he 
shall bow before war. He who winks at God's laws, 
through dense ignorance and a pitiful moral incapacity, 
cherishes he knows not what. Yet his course is of his 
own choosing. 

I am cognizant of the importance of the considera- 
tions brought forward by increase of population, but I 
think that for two centuries to come this need not be a 
vital question with us. As to this we should go on con- 
fident that in the coming years we shall be able to 
meet new conditions as they arise. Though we should 
welcome all good citizens from Europe, they should 
not be misled by the belief that they can, to any great 

—75— 



extent, now and hereafter, work out their destinies 
better here than there. Here again is seen the 
destructive work of commercialism. The problem 
now before us is unrestrained greed. It can be solved 
if men will control themselves; in lieu of this, if the 
government will restrain the greedy. Outside these 
scarce anything is more certain than war when the time 
is ripe. The Hague Tribunal can have little or noth- 
ing to do with this, except inasmuch as it may act 
through the above-mentioned channels. Our country 
is peopled principally by those who have fled from 
tyranny in Europe and elsewhere. The Aryan peoples 
have pressed westward, westward, till now they are 
face to face with the Mongolian race. Here may come 
the most titanic struggle of the Christian era to its 
time. To adopt moderation and wisdom is not to lose 
by any, but rather to gain in peace and happiness by 
all. War is a horribly severe logic of values. The 
years to come shall see the "almighty dollar" and 
dreadnaughts recognize the supremacy of man and his 
rights. When and how depends upon how we meet 
the conditions fronting us to-day. The plastic future 
is before us. What shall we make of it ? 




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